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A German Bank is under intense scrutiny for its irresponsible banking practices, which have been directly linked to displacement and human rights abuses.

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By Witness Radio Team.

Germany’s state-owned development bank, KfW, is facing heavy criticism after a new report exposed how its financing is linked to land grabs, community repression, and human rights violations across the Global South. This injustice is being perpetrated against community members and human rights defenders who, in the face of such adversity, continue to oppose projects linked to KfW bravely.

The report, titled Irresponsible Banking and produced by the Coalition for Human Rights in Development, is not just a crucial revelation but a significant milestone in the fight for justice. It uncovers that while KfW projects are branded as sustainable and pro-development, their impacts tell a darker story of dispossession and violence.

KfW, which operates through its subsidiaries KfW Development Bank, DEG, and IPEX-Bank, is one of the World’s most prominent development financiers. It is backed entirely by the German state. The German government, as the sole shareholder of KfW, has a direct responsibility to ensure that the bank’s operations align with international human rights standards, including the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and Germany’s own Supply Chain Due Diligence Act. On paper, the bank promises to uphold strict environmental and social safeguards, respect the rights of Indigenous Peoples to Free, Prior, and Informed Consent, and protect communities from harm. In practice, however, the report finds that these promises remain an empty rhetoric.

According to the findings, several sources interviewed for this analysis, as well as reports by other human rights organizations, denounce the adverse human rights impacts of KfW-funded development projects. In particular, there are numerous cases of threats and attacks against HRDs and community members who oppose KfW-funded projects.

Communities affected by these projects are rarely given adequate information, and when consultations take place, they are frequently rushed, manipulated, or conducted in languages people cannot understand. Far from protecting Indigenous rights, the bank’s operations often sideline them altogether, leaving communities vulnerable to loss of land, culture, and livelihoods.

KfW is funded with public money and is meant to serve the public good. Instead, its negligence has left a trail of suffering. By allowing projects to proceed without proper safeguards, the bank is complicit in dispossession, violence, and environmental destruction.

“KfW calls it ‘responsible banking’, but it’s using German taxpayers’ money to bankroll projects that displace Indigenous Peoples, destroy ecosystems, and endanger human rights defenders. If KfW wants to demonstrate real responsibility, it needs to listen to local communities and ensure their voices are not silenced”, says Dalile Antunez, the report’s author and researcher at the Coalition for Human Rights in Development.

The consequences are visible in case after case. On Indonesia’s Flores Island, the Ulumbu Geothermal Plant expansion, financed with KfW support, is tearing through Indigenous Poco Leok land. Sacred sites and ancestral graves have been desecrated—local activists who resist report surveillance, intimidation, and even physical attacks. Mr. Jimmy Ginting and his fellow activists are fighting against the planned expansion of the Ulumbu Geothermal Power Plant in Poco Leok, which is being implemented by Indonesian state-owned utility company PLN Limited Liability and financed by a KfW loan. The project, which is being implemented without the Free, Prior, and Informed Consent of the Indigenous community, is a clear violation of their rights.

“By not stopping their financing of the project, KfW is actually complicit in human rights violations in Poco Leok,” says Jimmy Ginting, a local human rights defender who has been supporting the struggle of the Indigenous community in Poco Leok.

In Mexico, KfW financing has supported the Topolobampo Ammonia Plant, a project threatening critical wetlands and the livelihoods of fishing communities. Fisherfolk warn that their waters are being poisoned, their future stripped away. Yet the bank’s money continues to flow.

In Sinaloa state in Topolobampo, Mexico, KfW is working together with the company Gas y Petroquímica de Occidente S.A., by financing the construction of their ammonia plant that produces fertilizer.  Ms. Claudia Susana Quintero, who founded the collective ¡Aquí no! that is opposing the Mexican project, reported on their experiences and described the project impacts and reprisals they face.

“The ecological damage brought by the project is immense and irreversible. We are told that a loss of over 60 % of local species can be observed, not to speak of the health risks, caused by the poisonous steam from the ammonia plant and the destruction of the residential fishing site that 4000 families depend on.” She revealed during the report launch webinar, which was also aired live on Witness Radio airwaves.

KfW’s investment is now further dividing our communities. From divisionism to criminalization, reports Ms Quintero, who has been fighting for the rights of the indigenous population and nature for 11 years.

“The ecological effects are immense, but the effects on the community cannot be quantified as well. The company did not offer comprehensive information about the impacts beforehand. It had already entered and divided the community before we could organize ourselves and insist on our right of inclusion. Opposing members of the community are confronted with death threats, physical violence, and criminalisation. We were free before that, but now my family and I live in fear of retaliation. Our lives don’t mean anything to them. I go to sleep every day, thinking that one day my children and I will not wake up again.”Quintero added.

In Tanzania’s Mahenge district, the Epanko Graphite Mine, backed by DEG, another KfW subsidiary, has raised alarm over forced displacement, land loss, and reprisals. Local voices critical of the mine speak of harassment and intimidation, echoing the same pattern of neglect and abuse found in Indonesia and Mexico.

What ties these cases together is not only the harm caused but also the silence of a bank that should be protecting people, not exposing them to danger. The report highlights how KfW has no robust policy to deal with reprisals against activists. Human rights defenders who speak against destructive projects face threats, beatings, and lawsuits, while the bank looks the other way. Its lack of transparency exacerbates the problem, as affected communities often cannot access critical information about the projects that are reshaping their lives.

In a video message during the online launch of the report, Dr. Pichamon Yeophantong, a member of the UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights, underlined the special obligations of development banks (DFIs), like KfW. As official agents and an essential part of international development cooperation, they are obligated to act responsibly and fulfill specific moral standards in alignment with the United Nations’ guiding principles on business and human rights.

The Coalition for Human Rights in Development is calling on KfW to take urgent action. The report recommends that the bank adopt a strong and enforceable anti-reprisals policy that includes systematic risk assessments and immediate protection measures when threats emerge.

It urges KfW to guarantee genuine Free, Prior and Informed Consent for Indigenous Peoples, ensuring that they have the right not just to be consulted but to say no to harmful projects. Transparency must be drastically improved, with all project information disclosed in local languages and in accessible formats.

Monitoring must become independent, and accountability mechanisms must be strengthened to provide real remedies when rights are violated. Finally, the report stresses that when harm persists, KfW must be prepared to suspend or withdraw financing rather than continue enabling abuses.

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The untold struggle of community land right defenders in eastern DRC’s three-decade war.

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By the Witness Radio team.

“My land is among the properties currently being used by rebels. I had purchased a plot right along Route 2, but an M23 officer is now renting it out to traders. He collects the fees for my own land while I suffer here in hiding. I cannot even call him, for fear of exposing myself to further danger.”

These are the words of a community land-right defender from North Kivu Province, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), living in hiding after becoming a target for defending community land rights.

According to the defender, defending land rights has come at an enormous cost. He has lost access to his property, his livelihood, and his freedom of movement. A piece of land he legally acquired is now under the control of others, and he remains unable to challenge their occupation because doing so could put his life at risk.

His story reflects a growing reality across eastern DRC, where decades of conflict have made land one of the most contested resources. As armed groups expand territorial control, communities say homes, farms, grazing areas, and commercial properties are being seized, leaving millions displaced and land rights defenders increasingly vulnerable.

Eastern DRC has endured armed conflict for more than three decades. The violence has involved government forces and multiple armed groups competing for political influence, territory, and control over valuable resources.

Since its resurgence in 2021, the March 23 Movement (M23), operating under the AFC/M23 coalition, has captured large areas of North and South Kivu, some of the country’s most strategic and resource-rich provinces.

According to the United Nations Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s July 2025 report, the control of large parts of North and South Kivu by AFC/M23 secured access to mineral-rich territories and fertile land, while increasing Rwanda’s influence in the DRC.

The report highlights the strategic importance of territorial control in the conflict, where access to natural resources, productive land, and key areas is closely linked to armed groups’ expansion and regional influence.

For communities living in these territories, territorial control has brought displacement, insecurity, and loss of ancestral land.

According to the United Nations, more than seven million people are internally displaced across the Democratic Republic of Congo, making it one of the world’s largest displacement crises.

Many displaced people who spoke to the Witness Radio team say that when fighting forces drive them from their homes, their property often becomes vulnerable to occupation.

“Many people are suffering in silence. Throughout the territory, homes, fields, and plots are being seized by force while people are being driven out so that others can settle in undisturbed. Rwandans are leaving their homes to occupy local owners’ properties. We are helpless and suffering in silence,” he said.

Another defender, whom Witness Radio identifies as Mwamba for security reasons, says his family’s struggle over land has lasted for generations and has been shaped by armed conflict.

Mwamba says his father, a traditional chief, farmer, and landowner in North Kivu, was targeted during the years of rebellion and that their family land, measuring approximately 240 hectares, was taken over.

Before the land was seized, the family ran a farm with livestock, including about 550 cattle, 250 sheep and goats, and 50 pigs.

According to Mwamba, the livestock were looted, houses were destroyed, and the farm was occupied by armed actors linked to the AFC/M23 movement during successive periods of conflict.

“My whole life, there has been conflict over our family’s property. Since the 1990s, we have never been able to use our land in peace,” he said.

The human cost has been greater than the economic losses, leading to the deaths of his family members. He recalls, “In 1997, my three older brothers were captured on the road and killed by the same group that had grabbed our land. When I later tried to organize my family to reclaim what belongs to us, I received death threats too. I had to flee because I believed I would be next.”

Today, his family lives in poverty while watching others profit from land they say has belonged to them for generations.

“All family members left to save their lives. The farm is still in their hands, and we cannot even approach it,” he said.

Also, human rights lawyer Ngoma, whose real name is withheld for safety reasons, says defending victims of land grabbing and other abuses became a threat to his own survival.

For more than a decade, Ngoma represented marginalized communities seeking justice for land seizures, killings, sexual violence, torture, and other abuses committed during the conflict.

But when M23 fighters took control of his area, his work put him in danger.

“I felt constantly at risk, to the point of receiving death threats from the very people against whom we were litigating. I faced numerous threats to my own safety and that of my family. I was forced to change my phone numbers, cut communication with people, and I could no longer move freely as a citizen,” he told Witness Radio in an exclusive interview.

Like many other human rights defenders, Ngoma eventually fled and went into hiding for safety, but the conflict and its far-reaching costs to victims remained. His departure disrupted his life and left many victims without legal representation when they needed it most. For communities whose land had been seized or whose relatives had been killed, lawyers and land defenders are often the only link to justice. When they are forced into exile or silence through threats and intimidation, victims are left with few avenues to challenge abuses, document violations, or pursue accountability.

“When the conflict escalated, that marked the beginning of my ordeal. My life was thrown into turmoil. I was forced to flee and constantly protect my family from possible attacks,” he added.

His experience reflects a wider pattern across eastern DRC, where attacks on lawyers, land defenders, and human rights activists have weakened community efforts to resist land dispossession and seek justice. As those documenting abuses are driven into hiding, armed groups tighten their control over contested territories, while many displaced families are left without the legal and human rights support needed to reclaim their land or defend their rights.

Residents say that when armed groups capture territory and civilians flee, abandoned properties can become vulnerable to occupation. Families who later attempt to return often face intimidation, threats, or the inability to reclaim their land.

Researchers widely agree that the conflict in eastern DRC has multiple overlapping drivers, including competition for political power, ethnic tensions, control of mineral resources, weak governance, and territorial control. Within this broader conflict, land remains a critical source of both livelihoods and strategic influence, making it a frequent point of contestation between armed groups and displaced communities.

Dr. Deborah S. Rogers, the International Outreach Coordinator for the coalition Mobilization for the Safeguarding of Congolese Sovereignty and Autonomy (MOSSAC), told Witness Radio that, in her view, Rwanda’s involvement in eastern DRC is closely linked to territorial expansion.

According to Dr. Rogers, Rwanda’s limited land area and growing population have increased the importance of securing additional territory. She argued that in areas under the control of the AFC/M23, civilians are frequently driven from their homes through violence and intimidation. When displaced families later attempt to return, she said, many discover that their land has already been occupied by people she identifies as Rwandans.

Human rights organizations have repeatedly raised concerns about attacks against those documenting abuses and supporting affected communities.

Between November 2025 and February 2026, several human rights defenders in North and South Kivu were reportedly targeted because of their work, according to the United Nations.

In January 2026, UN human rights experts expressed concern over allegations of attempted killings, kidnappings, torture, sexual violence, and death threats targeting defenders and their families.

The attacks have forced many defenders to choose between abandoning their work and risking their lives.

Despite years of displacement and violence, many affected families still hope to return to their ancestral lands.

“The land belongs to our families. We have lost so much, but we have not lost hope. One day, we believe justice will allow us to return,” Mwemba told our team.

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Ugandan farmers take TotalEnergies’ pipeline to UK court

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Police apprehend a Ugandan activist during a protest against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) plans in Kampala, Uganda, on 15 September, 2023. © Reuters

Four Ugandan farmers filed a case against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) at the UK’s High Court on Tuesday, seeking to have Ugandan constitutional, environmental and climate law applied to EACOP Ltd, the UK-registered company financing the project

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Lawyers Move to Court to Stop New Luxury Tourism Projects in Maasai Mara

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A coalition of regional legal and environmental organisations has moved to court seeking to halt the approval and development of new luxury tourism facilities in the Maasai Mara National Reserve, arguing that the projects threaten one of the world’s most important wildlife ecosystems.

The petition, filed before the Environment and Land Court, seeks orders stopping further construction of high-end tourist accommodation within the reserve pending the determination of the case.

Those behind the petition include East Africa Law Society, Natural Justice, JustAct and Africa Centre for Peace and Human Rights, who have sued several government agencies and private investors involved in the developments.

Among the respondents are Marriott International, The Ritz-Carlton Hotel Company, Minor Hotels, National Environment Management Authority (NEMA), Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS) and the Narok County Government.

Narok Governor Patrick Ole Ntutu and the Maasai Mara National Reserve date in Narok County.
Photo| County Government of Narok / Maasai Mara National Reserve.

The petitioners contend that approvals granted for the tourism developments violated constitutional and environmental safeguards, arguing that the projects were allowed within ecologically sensitive areas meant primarily for wildlife conservation.

Court documents further claim that the developments sit close to critical wildlife habitats and migration routes linking the Maasai Mara ecosystem with Serengeti National Park.

This, according to them, potentially disrupts the annual wildebeest migration that attracts thousands of tourists every year.

They have asked the court to certify the matter as one raising substantial constitutional questions and refer it to the Chief Justice for the appointment of a five-judge bench to hear the case.

The latest legal challenge comes months after the planned opening of the luxury Ritz-Carlton safari camp sparked public debate, with conservationists raising concerns that the facility could interfere with wildlife movement near the Sand River.

At the time, the Kenya Wildlife Service dismissed claims circulating online that the camp had blocked the wildebeest migration, describing videos shared on social media as misleading.

“The Ritz-Carlton safari camp is situated within a designated tourism investment low-use zone, as provided for in the Maasai Mara National Reserve Management Plan, 2023-2032,” KWS said at the time.

The agency also maintained that camps established along the Mara, Sand and Talek rivers have historically coexisted with wildlife movements without obstructing migration.

Source: kenyans.co.ke

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