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DEFENDING LAND AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS

…..Special Report; Abridged testimony….. Arbitrary arrested and detained for representing PAPs; an experience of the Witness Radio – Uganda lawyer

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By witnessradio.org Team

Joan Buryerali is one of the seven lawyers who were kidnapped during the COVID-19 lockdown in the Kiryandongo district. The basis for the lawyers’ physical interface with Project Affected Persons (PAPs) was to gather more evidence in the run-up to the numerous cases filed against multinationals at the Masindi High Court.

Since 2017, three multinational companies namely; Great Seasons SMC Limited, owned by a Sudanese investor based in Dubai, Kiryandongo Sugar Limited, belonging to one Mauritius family called RAI Dynasty, and Agilis Partners Limited run by American twin brothers (Benjamin Prinz and Phillip Prinz) that are illegally and forcefully evicting more than 35,000 people off their land.

In March 2020, the Government of Uganda issued a directive halting any land eviction during the COVID period. However, this was disregarded; illegal evictions and violations/abuses of human rights continued across the country. Kiryandongo was among the hard-hit districts. Kiryandongo district recorded the highest level of impunity from some powerful investors and security operatives.

In response to the numerous distress calls, a team of seven lawyers set out to collect real evidence from individual community members affected by large-scale agricultural projects. On 29th June 2020, they traveled 220 Kilometers Northwest of Kampala on a mission to address the increased violence meted against the local population.

The actual work started on 30th June 2020. The lawyers drove 45 minutes deep in villages to meet victim communities and work commenced at 0900 hours East Africa Standard time from the hotel.

According to Buryerali, COVID-19 Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) were observed as each lawyer had to keep a distance from each other and 6 meters with the victim being interviewed.

At around 15:00 hours, anti-riot police attached to Kiryandongo district police under the command of ASP Joseph Bakaleke arbitrarily rounded and forcefully arrested all the lawyers plus the seven (7) victim members that were being interviewed.  Police bundled them on a police patrol and another private numbered double cabin vehicle, which was later discovered to be driven by one of the Agilis Partners’ managers.

Below is Joan’s ordeal on the day of the arbitrary arrest and detention;

“We were ordered to stop whatever we were doing and jump onto police vehicles. When we tried to ask for reasons behind our kidnap, the Kiryandongo district Deputy Head of Criminal Investigation Department D/OCCID) Nyakaisiki Beatrice told us it was an order from above. She added that the DPC wanted us at  Kiryadongo central police station.  At that point, we had no choice but surrender ourselves to the gun wielding police officers who took us to the station.

On reaching there, neither was the District Police Commander (DPC) nor the Resident District Commissioner (President’s representative at the district) in office. There was one Ochenge Ismael, (Officer-in-charge of police unit administration) who stood in for the DPC. We tried to explain the essence of our work but our efforts were futile; the intention was to intimidate and have us detained. The sole purpose for this was to instill fear in us so that we abandon the eviction case.

The police officers had been bribed by these multinational companies to humiliate us before the people we were helping. Subsequent to failure to provide answers, the officer in charge ordered us to remove our shoes, enter the police cells, and wait for the DPC who later showed up the following morning.

While at the station, we kept on asking what crimes we had committed to whoever cared to listen. The D/OC CID insisted that it was an order from above.

After like three minutes another police officer came and commanded our team leader to move out. The same police officer returned and told us to vacant his office since it was time for official closure.

When we moved out, we found other police officers degrading and lifting our team leader by his trousers, yet he was calm. Irked by their inhumane treatment, we asked the police officers to stop harassing him. Our verbal exchange with the police escalated and they threatened to beat us. We were again told to remove shoes and leave our belongings at the police reception. We objected because we could no longer trust them. We instead handed over the items to our driver who would later transferred them to the hotel where we had previously spent the night. That evening, we were separated. The female lawyers were put in a congested cell separate from the one designated for men.

The police cell was very horrible! The foul smell was unbearable. The walls and floor were a mess. There was no cleaner space for any of us to scramble. The stench coming from the toilet was sickening if not stomach-turning! The filthy mattresses emitted urinal and faecal stench. The blankets were equally soiled. They had taken ages unwashed. The disturbing atmosphere kept us awake. At different intervals, each of us planted our nostrils on some big hole on the door to catch some fresh air. Kiryandongo police cell was not fit for human habitant. It was unhealthy for human beings to be there. Worst of all you were told to remove our shoes and move barefoot on such a dirty floor. Every single time I think about how dirty the cell was I feel disgusted. We even failed to eat have dinner. We surrendered our share to the women inmates. There was no way one could comfortably eat something in such a dirty place.

We could not use the sanitary facilities inside the cells. The women we found there had infections as a result of the dirty toilets. We instead accessed the outside facilities barefoot. To our dismay, they were also unclean. The following day, as we left the cell I could not touch my soiled and pathetic feet.

At about 9:00 am, Bakaleke Joseph, the then DPC showed up and we were released on bond. However, what saddened my heart was that the police officers knew that we had not committed any crime but detained us to sabotage our work.

At first, we were released without being charged. But for fear of being questioned, they arrested us again. This time we were charged with the offenses of conducting an unlawful assembly and spreading an infectious disease. These offenses were all false and fabricated. We had followed all COVID rules to the letter. Instead, the anti riot police flouted the rules by not wearing masks during the arbitrary arrest.

Immediately after our release, I imagined how our clients had lost faith in us. I felt harassed and belittled in front of the people I was supporting to get justice. Kiryandongo police painted a picture that they were superior and that the PAPs have nowhere to run to for any immediate assistance.

I have a dented professional because of the arbitrary arrest. I am being viewed as a chaotic person if not a criminal. This is because most people think that police only arrest offenders of the law. I no longer have a clear criminal record in the eyes of the public.

Why Criminalization?

Criminalization may be defined as the use of legal framework strategies targeting HRDs to illegitimate the work of HRDs. Its ultimate aim is to attack HRDs and/or impede their work. The criminalization of human rights defenders’ work through the misuse of criminal law involves the manipulation of the state’s punitive power by state and non-state actors to hinder their work in defense and thus prevent the legitimate exercise of their right to defend human rights

Criminalizing Human rights defenders’ work may lead to stigmatizations and delegitimization which affects the honor and public reputation of HRDs. Many analysts argue that stigmatization is part of the criminalization process.  The explanation of why delegitimization, stigmatization, and other forms of disparagement are sometimes equated with criminalization may lie in the fact that they may precede, or occur in parallel to, criminalization processes and that the aim in both cases appears to be to damage the public image of the HRDs so targeted.

“Speaking on behalf of the seven lawyers that were arbitrarily arrested and detained in Kiryandongo during COVID 19 lock-down, the actions of police tarnished our names. A mark was left on our reputation whereby some people in the society see us as chaotic and criminal individuals. Once you’re profiled and your name enters that criminal book, some officials may conclude that you no longer have a clear record.” Said Joan Buryerali

Effects of Criminalization of a PAPs’ lawyer?

There could be more effects to the use criminalize the work of a defense lawyer but, the immediate one is stigmatization. In other words, stigmatization and delegitimization should be considered as causes and/or consequences of criminalization. Criminalization involves the use of criminal charges to attack the work of human rights defenders. It may also be organized in such a way that it questions the personal or professional integrity of the HRDs it targets.

“Some Law firms and Organizations would not want to work with someone who does not have a clean record. They may hesitate to employ you thinking you will become a problem to them. This limits my working opportunities.” Said Bulyerali.

Criminalization may cause a financial burden on the victim HRD. Upon being released either on police bond or court bail, HRDs are required to report back (travel 440 Kilometers on every reporting) until a matter is heard and disposed of. Also, HRDs are forced to hire a lawyer to defend themselves.

Most importantly, criminalization is time-consuming and can ably cause physiological torture. Kampala where I am based and Kiryandongo district, these two places are distant from the other when reporting on police bond or court bail, you need two days on every reporting.

Criminalization has restricted my freedom of expression;

Restrictions on the freedom of expression are aimed at causing generalized fear, intimidating and silencing the denunciations, claims, and grievances of the victims of human rights violations, spurring on impunity, and impeding the full realization of the rule of law and democracy. For stance in Kiryandongo district several lawyers and many community land right defenders, some of them include Stella Akitenge, Atyaluk David Richard, Olupot James, Benon Baryaija and many others have been subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment or tortured, just because they are helping victim communities to mobilize, resist and push back such illegal evictions.

Using the restrictive legal framework to criminalize my work.

Some laws such as the Public Order Management Act, 2013 (POMA), Non-Governmental Organizations Act, 2016, the Anti-Terrorism Act, and the Financial Intelligence Act, have been used by some duty bearers to restrict the extent of work/ operations of HRDs.

In 2013, the POMA was passed to regulate freedom of assembly and ultimately the freedom of association. As seen above, the POMA is often cited by duty bearers to restrict civil society space. The law as it currently stands imposes conditions on holding public gatherings and demonstrations and criminalizes meetings held in contravention of section 5 of the POMA.

The police have on many occasions said that we did not ask for permission before conducting a meeting and they break it up. And yet the POMA only mentions giving notification to the authorized officer if the meeting falls within those regulated by the POMA.

Regarding the seven lawyers that were arrested in Kiryandongo by police, it hind behind POMA to detain the lawyers in cells for the whole night with an aim of not wanting them to proceed with their work and intimidate them. These arrests meanwhile are just to scare them trying to instill fear in them that in case they proceed with their work, they will be dealt with.

Conclusion

In many aspects as already demonstrated above, the COVID-19 period in Uganda presented difficulties and effects on the work of HRDs particularly lawyers for the PAPs, which projects a dark future. The challenging situation shared in this article should be used as a precursor to reflect and discuss the best environment for all defenders to do their work.

DEFENDING LAND AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS

Africa is capturing just 2% of its carbon credit potential

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From left: Andrew Gilder, director of Climate Legal; Olivia Tuchten, principal climate change adviser at Promethium Carbon; and Dr Olufunso Somorin, carbon markets coordinator at the African Development Bank, at a pre-summit carbon workshop, where Somorin outlined Africa’s carbon market potential. Image: Robyn Joubert

Africa is not living up to its carbon credit potential, despite rapidly growing global demand for emissions offsets. With more projects emerging in South Africa and across the continent, and agriculture uniquely positioned to develop them, carbon markets could unlock billions in investment.

Africa is generating barely 2% of its carbon credit potential and stands on the threshold of a multibillion‑dollar climate finance transformation. With the global carbon market currently valued at roughly US$1 trillion (around R16,8 trillion) and projected to grow to US$2,4 trillion (R40,2 trillion) by 2030, Africa could claim its share if it acts quickly and credibly.

“There is vast potential for Africa to use high-integrity carbon projects to not only achieve emissions reductions but also development interventions on the ground. […] But we need to scale up and do more,” Dr Olufunso Somorin, African Development Bank (AfDB) carbon markets coordinator, said at a pre-summit carbon workshop ahead of the Africa’s Green Economy Summit in Cape Town in late February.

He described the current moment as a ‘second global carbon order’; a shift from the Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to the new market architecture under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement.

Africa underperformed in the first crediting period, between 2007 and 2011, when it captured only a tiny slice of the more than US$200 billion (R3,2 trillion) invested in CDM projects.

“Close to 1 800 projects were approved globally. Only 33 were in Africa and only 16 in South Africa. We took too long to embrace the opportunity,” Somorin added.

Carbon markets

Carbon markets have expanded significantly since then. According to Somorin, around 28% of global greenhouse gas emissions are currently covered by carbon pricing mechanisms, compared with barely 5% two decades ago.

The compliance market, where regulated entities purchase or trade emission allowances, was valued at more than US$850 billion (R13,5 trillion) in 2021 and reached roughly US$1 trillion (R18,7 trillion) in annual traded emissions by the end of 2024.

The voluntary carbon market (VCM) is significantly smaller, valued at about US$2 billion (R33,5 billion) globally but projected to grow rapidly.

“Total demand for voluntary credits is expected to increase at least 15-fold by 2030, reaching between US$10 billion [R167 billion] and US$25 billion [R419 billion], and could expand up to 100-fold by 2050, reaching between US$90 billion [R1,5 trillion] and US$480 billion [R8 trillion],” Somorin said.

Africa’s small slice of the pie

He added that Africa accounts for roughly US$200 million (R3,4 billion) in the VCM (about 8% by value) while generating around 16% of global voluntary credits. About 100 carbon credit projects across 20 African countries generate an estimated 90 million tons of emission reductions annually.

VCM trading in Africa is concentrated in five countries: Kenya, Zimbabwe, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, and Uganda. Together, they account for about 70% of Africa’s carbon credit activity, with Kenya responsible for roughly 25% of the continent’s credits.

Credits are generated mainly from avoided deforestation and clean cooking projects, as well as land use, hydropower, wind, and solar energy.

Increasing scrutiny

However, the VCM has faced a lot of scrutiny in recent years. Trading volumes dipped in 2024 amid integrity concerns, although Somorin expects a reset under tighter standards.

The demand outlook is shaped by rising global temperatures. According to the Climate Action Tracker’s ‘Warming Projections Global Update November 2024’, the world is not on track to limit warming to 1,5°C and is heading towards 2,7°C by 2100.

“Many African countries are already achieving emissions reductions through carbon development projects, but they are not structuring them according to verification protocols. This limits their ability to earn carbon credits,” Somorin said.

Private climate flows

Africa holds an estimated 15% of global carbon sequestration potential, which could generate up to US$82 billion (R1,4 trillion) annually by 2050 under high-integrity market conditions.

Yet private capital flows into Africa’s climate finance sector remain low, accounting for roughly 18% of total flows.

“On average, Africa needs about US$280 billion [R4,7 trillion] in annual climate finance. We are attracting only US$52 billion [R872 billion] annually, which is only 20% of our needs. We need to close the gap,” Somorin said.

To boost readiness, in 2025, the AfDB launched the Africa Carbon Support Facility (ACSF), capitalised with US$100 million (R1,7 billion) to catalyse private investment, support regulatory development, and advance policy and Article 6 reforms.

“What I can tell you today is that we don’t have a demand problem. We have a supply problem of high-integrity credits, and a lot of financial interventions are required to close the gap,” he added.

Snapshots of successful carbon projects in Africa

Dr Olufunso Somorin highlighted several African carbon projects with the potential to deliver significant environmental and social benefits:

Rwanda: SPOUTS’ ceramic water filter project has issued more than 350 000 filters, delivering safe drinking water to more than 1,5 million people and avoiding about 1,5 million tons of carbon dioxide equivalent (tCO₂e) by eliminating the need to boil water using non-renewable wood. This high-integrity project prevents more than 150 000t of wood use annually, thus protecting forests, and cutting indoor air pollution by around 90%.

South Africa: the uMkhanyakude Restoration Project in KwaZulu‑Natal is a high-integrity carbon project aimed at restoring degraded grasslands in the Maputaland–Pondoland–Albany biodiversity hotspot. Led by AfriWild and verified under Verra’s Grouped Landscape Management framework, the project will work closely with local communities, land stewards, and conservation managers to prevent overgrazing, enhance grassland regeneration, and increase market access for livestock and wildlife products. It has the potential to remove 10 million tCO₂e across more than 300 000ha, support more than 10 000 people, and provide habitat protection for more than 1 200 endemic species and critical megafauna.

Kenya: the Udongo Mzuri Biochar Carbon Project, led by Women in Climate Change & Renewable Energy, converts organic waste and invasive water hyacinth into biochar, with each ton sequestering three tCO₂e. With seven hubs planned over the next decade, the project targets approximately 20 000 tCO₂e per hub annually, linking production to 10 000 cookstoves per year while achieving a 20% increase in soil moisture retention.

Nigeria: the Ago Owu Forest Reserve Carbon Project in Osun aims to restore and protect 23 000 ha of degraded tropical high forest, creating more than 500 nursery jobs, formalising forest stewardship contracts for residents in the buffer zone, and sequestering carbon at scale through replanting and forest protection. The project is a collaboration between aDryada/Noblesse Green Energy, the Nigerian Presidency, and the National Council on Climate Change.

Source: farmersweekly.co.za

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DEFENDING LAND AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS

Court Alert: Court Grants Bail to Jailed Defender and Wife.

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By Witness Radio team.

After a significant legal engagement, a magistrate court in Kiryandongo District has decided to release a community land rights defender and his wife on bail. This decision comes after they spent 40 days in prison.

Olupot James, a community land rights defender from Kikungulu village, Kibeeka Parish, Kapundo Sub-county, in Kiryandongo District, and his wife, Apio Sarah, were charged with malicious damage to property on June 5th, 2025, and were remanded to different prisons, including Dyang Prison.

The arrest of the defender and his wife has had a profound impact on their four children, leaving them in a state of grief and pain. They were left without parental care in a house surrounded by the sugar plantation.

According to the prosecution, the duo allegedly uprooted sugarcane plants belonging to Kiryandongo Sugar Limited and replaced them with maize on land neighboring the defender’s home. The multinational claims ownership of the land.

The Penal Code Act, Cap. Section 312 (1) of Uganda states that any person who willfully and unlawfully destroys or damages any property commits an offence and is liable on conviction to up to five years’ imprisonment.

Since 2017, Olupot and several other community land defenders have been in and out of prison, a testament to their unwavering resistance against illegal land evictions. Their resilience is a source of inspiration for many. Thousands of families claim they have lost their land to the multinational without following any law, without receiving any compensation, and without being offered an alternative settlement.

Through Witness Radio Legal Aid Chambers, the duo was granted a non-cash bail of two million Shillings, and their case has been fixed for hearing on July 28th, 2025.

The children, who have been enduring the absence of their parents, are now experiencing a sense of relief and joy as the family is reunited.

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DEFENDING LAND AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS

A land rights defender and his wife have been arrested, charged, and sent to prison.

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By Witness Radio team.

Kiryandongo District – A community land rights Defender at Nyamutende Cell in Kiryandongo District, and his wife have been sent to prison by a magistrate’s court in Kiryandongo District, Witness Radio confirms.

Olupot James and his wife, Apio Sarah, were charged with malicious damage to property after a multinational company, Kiryandongo Sugar Limited, accused them of destroying its crops. The area police later picked them up.

Since 2017, Kiryandongo Sugar Limited, a subsidiary of Rai Holdings Private Limited, has been among the three multinationals that have forcibly displaced over thirty-five thousand (35,000) people in Kiryandongo District without following due diligence or offering alternative settlement options.

Community land Rights defender Olupot James and his wife Apio Sarah are amongst a few remaining families that resisted the company’s violent eviction and repression. Their home is currently trapped in the middle of the sugar plantation after they lost their land, which was dug up to the house by the multinational. Despite their peaceful resistance, Olupot has been arrested, charged, and imprisoned more than six times, a clear indication of the injustice they are facing.

Since late May this year, the duo has been reporting to Kiryandongo police station on Criminal Case Number CRB No. 316/2025, until they were arrested and aligned before the court and imprisoned. Olupot was remanded to Dyang while Apio is in Kiryandongo prison.

The state alleges that Olupot and Apio committed the offence of malicious damage to property in Kikungulu village, Kiryandongo District, a region with a complex history of land-related conflicts.

The Witness Radio’s legal aid team is monitoring the case and will appear in court to apply for their bail.

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