MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
EACOP Project: A displacement crisis and cultural erosion threatening Ugandan communities.
Published
2 years agoon

By Witness Radio and Südnordfunk teams.
Thousands of people in Uganda are affected by the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) project, which spans from the oil production towers and refineries to the pipeline’s route and extends to its final destination in Tanzania. The Ugandan government portrays it as a promising project for the country’s development, often labeling those who criticize it as agents of imperialism.
The French oil company Total Energies wants to build a pipeline in Uganda and Tanzania. EACOP project was first introduced in Nanywa ‘A’ village, Nanywa Parish, Ndagwe sub-county in Lwengo district in around 2018. Back then, hundreds of people hoped to benefit from it.
In several meetings conducted by Total to introduce the project to the affected communities, such as those in Lwengo District, the Total Energies team communicated that the project would offer enhanced support to vulnerable groups, including widows, the elderly, persons with disabilities, and orphans.
“Total often called us into their meetings, where they assured us that everyone would benefit from the project, with particular attention given to groups such as widows, orphans, and the elderly.” One of the affected residents, Mr. Katoogo Kasim, told Witness Radio.
Accordingly, the impacted communities mentioned that the project was highly hyped by its implementers as a pathway to development and wealth generation. But what turns out are regrets and curses from the would-be beneficiaries of the Eacop project. In areas where the project is passing, they claim it has exposed them to poverty, adversely affected their health, criminalized project critics, and greatly affected their social lives and cultures.
90-year-old Tereza Nakato (name changed) of Nanywa, a village nine kilometers from Lwengo town, suffers from high blood pressure. According to her, her health has been deteriorating daily since the project implementors expressed interest in her land. Before the project, she was living happily and enjoying her old village life.
“A lot has changed in my life ever since these oil people came and took my land. The pipeline now passes through my compound, just three meters from my house, and this has caused me to develop hypertension due to the constant stress of worrying about what might happen next,” the 90-year-old woefully revealed.
During our visit to her home, a brick-structured four-roomed house surrounded by a small farm of two cows and goats, she was still locked in her house by 9 am when we reached there. Next to her home is her son’s house, which is also on the same land. He, too, is affected by the EACOP. Due to her illness, the old widow could not speak much, so her son, Mr. Katoogo Kasim, assisted her in talking to us. The EACOP is supposed to pass right through her compound. The construction work has not yet begun, but signs of its beginning can be witnessed.
Katoogo Kasim told us that the pipeline is located just three meters from his mother’s house. The three meters between the pipeline and the house will be the compound, leaving her with no space to do her chores.
She (Nakato) worries that her house may be damaged due to heavy trucks and machines that will construct the pipeline, and the poor compensation stresses her. Along with other effects, it has worsened her health. For instance, her family has to spend more than 50 Euros every month on her medication – money she does not have. She received some compensation for the land taken for the project. But she says it was inadequate to improve her life. Instead, it is used up quickly by her sickness.
“This project is a disaster, bringing havoc to me and my family. It’s the time when my mother got sick, and all the money that was given to her as compensation was used up for her monthly Hypertension medication,” Kasim further said.
According to Nakato, initially, Total told her that she would be relocated elsewhere or that they would construct a new house. But these were empty promises well-intentioned to coerce her to surrender her land to the project. When she sought relocation or construction of a new home due to the imminent impact on her and her house after giving them her land, the project implementers told her that it must first get cracked or fall.
Nakato is not the only one to cry out about the impacts of the EACOP project on her land and home. Lawyer Brighton Aryempa is advising affected community members and representing some of them in court. In an interview with Südnordfunk, he, too, says that being displaced from their land is one of the significant impacts on the communities:
“Communities are suffering because they are being displaced from their ancestral land without compensation, and even when they pursue legal action. The court cases have dragged on for years, yet land is crucial for creating livelihoods for families and communities. This is happening despite laws outlining how land should be compensated when taken for public interest.” He said.
While the government is allowed to acquire land for public interest, the acquisition should follow due process. This has often been different for the EACOP project. He emphasizes that community members have the full right to demand adequate compensation:
“Some people think the government compensating them is just helping them, which is untrue. These are inherent rights. So, we want them to know some of these basics so that they can negotiate. They can have better compensation rates and are not cheated,” he added.
Similar concerns about injustices caused by the project are echoed in the neighboring Kyotera district. Residents report a feeling of powerlessness. They are being told they must surrender their land for the project and accept the compensation offered, as it is a government initiative that cannot be halted. Likewise, the landlords too are complaining.
Uganda has four land tenure systems under which a person can hold land: mailo, freehold, leasehold, and customary. In these particular areas of Kyotera, most of the project-affected persons live on the Mailo land tenure system. Here, the landlord owns the land, while tenants may have rights to use the land but lack full ownership unless granted by the landlord through purchase with a land title.
Mr. Ssekyewa Benedicto is a landlord in Lusese village in Kyotera district. The entire village survives mainly on agriculture. We found coffee, maize, and bananas growing during our visit to his home. Ssekyewa says about seven of his tenants were affected by the pipeline. He blames the government and the project implementers for not educating him and other affected people about the project’s adverse effects.
‘We lack complete information about how this project will be conducted. This project was introduced to us without proper education or consultation,” he stated.
As a landlord, Ssekyewa claims he has not benefited from the project as promised. He says he was never consulted or informed about how the valuation of his land was conducted. “We were not informed as owners of the land that this is what we are to be compensated or what was valued from our land because the government isn’t clear on the exact valuation,” he maintained.
In the same village, Ssalongo Kigonya Vicent was promised compensation for his two pieces of land affected by the pipeline project. Still, he received less than the amount that was initially valued. He said he was made to sign a large sum of money on a document over 30 pages long, written in English—a language he did not understand. “I signed 28 million (about 6,916.98 Euros) for two plots of my land where the project passed, but to my surprise, I received only 3,800,000sh, equivalent to 938.73 Euros on my account.” He revealed.
For now, he still has his house on part of the land that was left. But where his crops are, construction will soon be taking place. He reveals that. “I was told that no one can stop the government from implementing a pipeline project. They said they can do it wherever they want.”
Lawyer Aryampa points out that the compensation is often too little. He mentions that government agencies take the value of land from years back but only pay it later when a piece of land is worth much more.
Besides compensation, Mr. Kigonya faced another challenge. One of his pieces of land accommodated the grave sites of his deceased twins, requiring their exhumation and relocation. Total supported the relocation of the graves and promised to support ceremonies after relocation, including celebrations of twin rituals.
In the Buganda culture of the Buganda kingdom, where Kigonya belongs, one has to perform twin rituals celebrating their birth and celebrate twin rituals if the graves of twins are exhumed or relocated due to cultural beliefs and traditions associated with them. In the same culture, twins are considered sacred and hold a special spiritual significance. When twins pass away, their graves are typically treated with relevance, and the relocation or disturbance of these graves can be seen as disrupting spiritual harmony and traditional practices. The Baganda performs specific rituals after the graves are exhumed or relocated to restore this harmony and honor the twins’ spirits.
But up to date, the rituals of Kigonya’s twins remain unperformed. The project implementers did not fulfill their promises, and the father had no means for it alone. According to his conviction, not performing these rituals is exposing his family to significant consequences, including poverty, family separations, and body burns.
Not far from Kigonya’s home is Mr. Bwowe Ismail’s in Bethlehem village, a father of 20 children. His family is living in misery after the project grabbed his entire land without compensation. When he demanded to be compensated fairly, state authorities intimidated, arrested, and charged him with false offenses, claiming he was sabotaging the government project.
In Uganda, criminalization is one tactic used by multinational companies, the government, or its bigshots to silence community land and environmental defenders and project critics for raising the adverse impacts on projects being established.
Bwowe, on one of the cases, was arrested and slapped with charges of robbing a confident, wealthy man. Total offered to lend him support with legal fees and representation in court only if he allowed to sit with them at the table and accept the compensation. But Bwowe refused.
Many individuals affected by this project are dissatisfied but cannot voice their complaints because it is a government project, and they witness how their neighbors are intimidated. Mr. Segawa Abdallah, Chairman of an affected village in Nanywa A, confirmed this sentiment, adding that they resorted to keeping this pain in their hearts.
Related posts:

The East African Court of Justice fixes the ruling date for a petition challenging the EACOP project.
The East Africa regional court dismisses a case challenging the construction of the EACOP project.
Breaking: Eight (8) environmental activists have been arrested by police over protesting against the EACOP project.
‘Her land, her rights’ a remedy for climate crisis
You may like
MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Govt targets land grabbers with first national public-land register
Published
22 hours agoon
August 14, 2026
Officials say a nationwide inventory will finally let the state prove what it owns — from school compounds to road reserves — but the exercise is beginning on a shoestring.
Mukono, Uganda — Uganda has begun building its first comprehensive national register of government land, an undertaking officials say is aimed squarely at land grabbers who for years have carved up public property the state often cannot prove it owns.
The five-year exercise, the Comprehensive Government Land Inventory, will document every identifiable state plot — schools, hospitals, police stations, road reserves, wetlands and forests among them — and record who owns each, how it is used and whether it is under threat.
“If we don’t do that, then we may never have land to protect,” Lands Minister Judith Nabakooba told a regional workshop at Rider Hotel in Mukono, east of the capital Kampala, on Thursday.
The vulnerability is considerable. Government land makes up about 23 percent of Uganda’s territory, but only roughly a quarter of it has been formally titled, according to the Uganda Land Commission — leaving the majority undocumented and, officials concede, easy to grab.
Nabakooba said Uganda’s rapid transformation was making the problem worse. Towns are spreading, infrastructure and industry are expanding, and land that was rural only a few years ago is now valuable real estate. She warned that population growth — which she said could push Uganda towards 70 million people by 2050 — would only sharpen the competition for a fixed supply of land.
The minister urged local authorities to enforce physical development plans and to build upwards rather than outwards. “Can we now begin thinking of going vertical when you are building offices and spaces for accommodation… then the rest of the land is used for agricultural purposes?” she asked. She singled out Wakiso district, on Kampala’s fringes, where development pressure is most intense, and cautioned officials against surrendering government plots simply because they appeared vacant.
Local knowledge, national record
The Mukono meeting, billed as the “Buganda 1” engagement and the second after the programme’s national launch in July, gathered district chairpersons, resident district commissioners, land board members and civil society from central-region districts including Wakiso, Mukono, Buikwe, Kayunga, Luweero, Nakasongola and Buvuma.
Uganda Land Commission chairperson Prof Pen Mogi Nyeko told them their local knowledge was central to the exercise. “You all virtually know what land belongs to government,” he said, appealing to them to help identify and title state plots — and warning land boards not to hand public land to individuals.
He said the state was the country’s biggest developer, and that consolidated, protected land could anchor major projects. Nyeko pointed to the Amuru sugar scheme in northern Uganda, where the government compensated landowners across some 10,000 hectares for a plantation and factory, as an example of what public land could enable, describing the local opposition it once faced as “negative politics”. The project in fact has a long and contested history, resisted for years by Acholi communities and their leaders and fought through the courts over customary ownership before compensation was settled.
Nyeko also raised the grabbing of institutional land, including plots belonging to church-founded schools. “Many of you were students in these lands, in these schools. So it is you to help us get those lands protected,” he said. He stressed the commission was not after private property: “The constitution is very clear: land belongs to the people. For us, we are only interested in land which belongs to government.” A reliable inventory, he added, would let the state direct investors to suitable sites — “if we know that there is 2, 3 square miles of land belonging to government in Nakasongola… we recommend that area for industrialisation.”
A reform on a tight budget
For all its ambition, the programme is starting with little money. The commission has said it was costed at about 100 billion shillings (roughly $27m), but only 6 billion shillings was released this financial year, even after a parliamentary committee recommended more. Implementation will be phased, beginning with cities and municipalities where land values — and the incentive to grab — are highest.
Emmanuel Kaganzi, representing the ministry’s permanent secretary, said the register had to capture more than ownership. It should show whether each parcel was surveyed, titled and free of encroachment or competing claims, he said, giving government the chance “to intervene early” rather than react to disputes after the fact.
But a register was only as good as its upkeep, he cautioned. “A government land inventory completed today but not updated tomorrow will gradually lose its usefulness.” He said responsibility for keeping records current would fall across the commission, the ministry, local governments and the agencies that occupy state land, and pressed repeatedly for coordination between them. The inventory, he added, should build on systems already in place — the Uganda Land Information System, the National Land Information Centre and the ministry’s zonal offices, which have moved land services closer to citizens — rather than create new silos.
Kaganzi was blunt about the human element. “An accurate system will achieve little if public officers knowingly allow government land to be encroached, to be taken, to be grabbed, and irregularly allocated,” he said, adding that officials entrusted with public land must treat it as belonging to the people of Uganda.
Cross-checking a fragmented record
The commission’s secretary, Andrew Nyumba, said the state’s own records were part of the problem, scattered across the commission, ministries, local governments and district land boards and never fully reconciled. The existing records, he said, did not amount to a comprehensive picture of government land.
For each holding, he said, the inventory should answer a set of basic questions — what the parcel is, where it lies, its size and boundaries, the evidence of state ownership, which institution is responsible, how it is used, whether it is documented and whether it is occupied, encroached upon or disputed. The commission would draw on registry and cadastral data, ministry and local-government records, survey and planning information, asset registers, historical archives, community knowledge and, where needed, physical checks on the ground.
Those sources would be cross-checked against one another, and disagreements, Nyumba argued, were useful rather than a setback. “A discrepancy in information is not necessarily a failure of the exercise. It is also information,” he said, describing conflicting records as a signal of where further verification was required. The goal, he said, was to move “from fragmented information toward a more reliable, integrated and continuously maintained picture of government land in Uganda”.
The drive follows years of criticism over the commission’s record-keeping. The Auditor General has previously flagged the absence of a comprehensive government land database, and the body has been drawn into numerous court cases over contested public plots — the very gaps the inventory is meant to close.
Source: www.ugstandard.com/
Related posts:

Government urges Ugandans to register their land interests to reduce land evictions.
Govt moves to register surveyors to curb land conflicts
Land commission starts updating govt land countrywide.
Kasese district land bosses ordered to cancel land titles of gov’t land grabbers
MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Experts rally the region to unite behind East Africa’s transformative Agroecology Bill.
Published
3 days agoon
August 12, 2026
By the Witness Radio team.
Across East Africa, experts and agricultural advocates are urging a united front for the proposed East African Community (EAC) Agroecology Bill, believing its passage could revolutionize food systems, empower food sovereignty, and uplift millions of farmers’ lives.
In mid-April 2026, the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) officially began the legislative process for the EAC Agroecology Bill, 2026, after the Agriculture, Tourism and Natural Resources Committee chairperson, Hon. Gideon Gaptan Thoar, received parliamentary leave to draft and introduce it. The drafting committee is now in the final stages of tabling the bill before parliament.
This rallying cry echoed through an online webinar hosted by the Center for Food and Adequate Living Rights and broadcast live on Witness Radio. The event gathered agricultural experts, food sovereignty champions, and regional legislators to explore the bill’s promise and the hurdles it may face.
If passed, it would lay the foundation for a unified regional legal framework championing agroecological farming throughout the East African Community. Supporters believe this could be a powerful tool to combat food insecurity, protect farmers’ rights and indigenous seeds, address climate change and biodiversity loss, and tackle challenges faced by smallholder farmers.
Mr. Andrew Adem, Program Coordinator for Food Systems at the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA), said the region must learn from the shortcomings of the Green Revolution model, which prioritized increased yields and external agricultural inputs.
He pointed out that although the model aimed to boost yields and farmers’ incomes, it left them vulnerable when harvests fell short.
Adem noted that in tough seasons, farmers often bear the high costs of expensive inputs, while intensive farming erodes agricultural diversity and time-honored knowledge.
To address these challenges, he said, agroecology flips the script by putting farmers and their wisdom at the heart of agricultural progress.
“In Africa, food is more important than yields because it carries a lot of things. Therefore, the Green Revolution failed, and hence the Agroecology Bill presents an opportunity for us to stand up and protect the sovereignty of food in Africa,” Adem said during the Webinar meeting.
He explained that agroecology inspires farmers to break free from expensive external inputs, nurture healthier soils, diversify their crops, and tap into the wealth of local knowledge and resources.
Unlike systems fixated on monocultures and quotas, advocates say agroecology embraces nutrition, culture, biodiversity, and the enduring wellbeing of farming communities.
This legislative push arrives as hunger casts a long shadow over Africa. Jean Leonard from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) highlighted that the continent bears the World’s largest hungry population, with around 309 million people affected.
He described agroecology as a holistic approach, weaving together ecological and social principles to shape and guide agricultural systems.
“Agroecology seeks to optimize interaction between people, markets, agriculture and ecosystems while addressing environmental, social and economic systems simultaneously rather than focusing on single technologies,” Leonard said.
Leonard outlined key ingredients for the success of the Bill: dedicated lawmakers, appropriate budgets, robust funding, supportive laws, and genuine involvement from farmers. She urged greater investment in youth, believing that empowering young people with resources and opportunities could open fresh paths into agriculture and speed the shift to agroecological farming.
Hon. Jackline Amongin, a Ugandan member of the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA), said the proposed legislation is intended to create a common framework for agroecological farming across the EAC.
She emphasized that the East African Community’s unique character calls for unity, not fragmented efforts, in transforming agriculture.
“We shall have the best, but all efforts must be put on enacting the Bill into law. Once the law is put in place, all the desired issues of implementation and execution will be agreed on. Other factors will follow,” she added.
Advocates stress that agroecology is more than a farming method. They see it as a philosophy that links agriculture to environmental care, social justice, cultural heritage, nutrition, and economic vitality.
This approach inspires farmers to exchange wisdom, broaden their crops, and craft solutions tailored to their unique landscapes.
According to the Bill memorandum, the purpose of the EAC Agroecology Bill, 2026, is to mainstream agroecological farming by promoting agroecology principles across agri-food systems. It seeks to integrate ecological, social and participatory approaches while combining scientific and traditional knowledge to enhance biodiversity, ecosystem services, resilience, livelihoods and food sovereignty.
“The Bill will therefore be tabled and gazetted before being subjected to public consultations, hearings and participation by members of the public. It will then proceed to a second reading before being referred to the whole House Committee for detailed consideration. Once all these processes are duly followed, the Bill will be presented for a third reading and passage by EALA. It will then go through the EAC process before ultimately becoming an Act.” She concluded.
Related posts:

Agroecological farming: EAC Bill moves to Parliament to establish a regional legal framework to protect and promote sustainable farming and food systems.
EALA members renew push for unified sub-regional Agroecology Law during Mukono meeting.
The Indigenous Seeds movement in East Africa is convening in Kenya, with the potential to reshape the region’s food systems.
The EAC Seed & Plant Varieties Bill, 2025, is a potential threat to smallholder farmers, as it aims to disengage them from the agriculture business, according to experts.
MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Four youth activists now face public nuisance charges after their arrest during a bold march toward Parliament.
Published
4 days agoon
August 11, 2026
By the Witness Radio team.
At Buganda Road court, four youth activists from the Rooted in Resistance Movement were charged with public nuisance after their arrest during a passionate plea to Parliament for an oil-free Uganda.
Activists Ssembalirwa Aniwally, Mugoya Hassan, Aron Patrick Ariong, and Okanya Ivan were detained by parliamentary police as they marched with determination toward Parliament, urging the Ugandan government to abandon oil dependency in favor of an ‘oil-free economy’ built on economic freedom, sustainability, and citizen involvement.
According to the charge sheet seen by Witness Radio, the prosecution alleges that on August 10, 2026, at about 9:00 am, the four activists, along with others still at large, were at King George Way Street in Kampala Central. They wore orange T-shirts bearing the words “Rooted in Resistance” and carried placards with messages including “Prioritize Other Sectors of the Economy,” “Oil Is Temporary, Nature Is Permanent,” and “Oil Today, Problems Tomorrow.”
Prosecutors claim the activists stood on the road, disrupting traffic and creating hazards.
The activists appeared before Grade One Magistrate Her Worship Rophine Achayo at Buganda Road court yesterday, where they were charged with being a nuisance on the public road, contrary to Section 67(1) of the Road Act, Cap. 346.
Section 160(1) of the Penal Code Act, which defines a common nuisance, provides that any person who does an act not authorized by law or fails to discharge a legal duty and thereby causes “any common injury, or danger or annoyance,” or obstructs or causes inconvenience to the public in the exercise of common rights, commits the misdemeanor of common nuisance and is liable to imprisonment for one year.
The four pleaded not guilty and now await their fate in Luzira Prison, remanded until August 28, 2026.
The group’s mission was to urge Parliament to rethink Uganda’s reliance on petroleum, warning that true prosperity cannot be built on a resource that will one day run out.
The activists contend that despite years of promises—jobs, industry, infrastructure, and poverty relief—oil’s benefits have reached only a privileged few, while many others remain trapped in poverty.
“Our demand for an oil-free economy is not a rejection of development, but a demand for a different development model, one that places Ugandan citizens, productive sectors and sustainable wealth creation at the center of national planning,” the group said.
They call for bold investment in other sectors, insisting Uganda should chart a path toward sustainable wealth, citizen empowerment, and true economic independence instead of clinging to petroleum.
These arrests are part of a troubling pattern as more Ugandans face criminal charges for protesting oil projects or demanding accountability for their social and environmental costs.
12 environmental activists were arrested in Kampala in August 2025 during a protest against the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP). Eight out of the 12 activists were later convicted and sent to prison to serve an eleven (11) month sentence. They were released from Luzira Prison on April 21, 2026, as time spent on remand had effectively covered their 11-month sentences.
The other four, including Ivan Wamboga, Baker Tamale and Habibu Nalungu, pleaded guilty and were released on November 19, 2025, after being ordered to perform community service. Mark Makoba also pleaded guilty and was released on November 6, 2025, without any additional penalty.
These cases reveal the risks faced by those who challenge Uganda’s oil agenda. Even after release, the activists’ ordeals have intensified fears for freedom of expression and assembly across civil society.
Related posts:

Ugandan Activists Face Criminal Charges Following Pipeline Protest
Breaking: 15 Anti-EACOP Activists have been charged with common nuisance and remanded to Luzira prison.
Another group of eleven environmental activists have been charged with common nuisance and remanded to Luzira Prison for opposing the EACOP project.
Youth climate activists raise frustration over govt’s silence on EACOP
Govt targets land grabbers with first national public-land register
Experts rally the region to unite behind East Africa’s transformative Agroecology Bill.
Four youth activists now face public nuisance charges after their arrest during a bold march toward Parliament.
Youth activists detained as they boldly petition Parliament, demanding a future for Uganda free from oil dependency.
Africa’s El Niño Economic Impact: $20B at Risk in 2026
Campaigning LC I Chairpersons Barred from Land Transactions Until Polls End.
Uganda is grappling with mounting land struggles as the needs of refugees collide with the rights and hopes of the communities that host them.
Researchers sound the alarm: Uganda’s oil development threatens the nation’s vital wetlands.
Innovative Finance from Canada projects positive impact on local communities.
Over 5000 Indigenous Communities evicted in Kiryandongo District
Petition To Land Inquiry Commission Over Human Rights In Kiryandongo District
Invisible victims of Uganda Land Grabs
Resource Center
- CAN AFRICAN FOOD SYSTEMS THRIVE WITHOUT CHEMICAL FERTILISERS
- Land And Environment Rights In Uganda Experiences From Karamoja And Mid Western Sub Regions
- REPARATORY AND CLIMATE JUSTICE MUST BE AT THE CORE OF COP30, SAY GLOBAL LEADERS AND MOVEMENTS
- LAND GRABS AT GUNPOINT REPORT IN KIRYANDONGO DISTRICT
- THOSE OIL LIARS! THEY DESTROYED MY BUSINESS!
- RESEARCH BRIEF -TOURISM POTENTIAL OF GREATER MASAKA -MARCH 2025
- The Mouila Declaration of the Informal Alliance against the Expansion of Industrial Monocultures
- FORCED LAND EVICTIONS IN UGANDA TRENDS RIGHTS OF DEFENDERS IMPACT AND CALL FOR ACTION
Legal Framework
READ BY CATEGORY
Newsletter
Trending
-
MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK2 weeks agoUganda is grappling with mounting land struggles as the needs of refugees collide with the rights and hopes of the communities that host them.
-
MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK2 weeks agoAs TotalEnergies’ profits soar, calls are growing for the company to answer for the human rights abuses and environmental damage linked to EACOP.
-
NGO WORK2 weeks agoThe Great “Green” Heist: When Artificial Intelligence and Arms Dealers Seize the Minerals of the South
-
MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK1 week agoCommunities once resettled by President Museveni in Kiryandongo now find themselves losing their land to a sugarcane investor, accusing the Uganda Land Commission of granting a leasehold behind their backs.
-
FARM NEWS1 week agoRising demand for cow dung pushes prices up
-
MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK4 days agoYouth activists detained as they boldly petition Parliament, demanding a future for Uganda free from oil dependency.
-
MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK1 week agoNews: Kapapi Land dispute: Security investigate gunfire exch
-
WITNESS RADIO MILESTONES5 days agoKaramoja stands on the brink, with nearly half a million people gripped by acute hunger.
