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Appellate Division of the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) rejects the request to dismiss the EACOP appeal case.

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By Witness Radio team.

The Appellate Division of the East African Court of Justice (EACJ) has rejected a request by the Tanzanian government to dismiss an appeal filed by four East African civil society organizations (CSOs) seeking compliance with the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) with regional and international human rights standards.

Tanzania’s Deputy Solicitor General, Mr. Mark Mulwambo, requested the judges dismiss the Appeal, arguing that the record of proceedings from the hearings held at the First Instance Division was missing. The record of proceedings includes the CSOs and respondents’ submissions. He added that, without it, the judges at the Appellate Division could not determine whether the First Instance Court erred in the ruling that they made.

However, the court could not grant his request. Instead, it ordered the four CSOs that filed the Appeal to file supplementary information so that the judges could hear the case.

The Appeal will be heard by a panel of judges from the Appellate Division of the EACJ, including Justice Nestor Kayobera, the division’s president; Justice Anita Mugeni, the Vice President; Justice Kathurima M’Inot; Justice Cheboriona Barishaki; and Justice Omar Othman Makungu. These judges, with their expertise in regional and international law, will review the Appeal and make a final decision.

The Appeal was filed by four CSOs, including the Africa Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO) from Uganda, the Centre for Food and Adequate Living Rights (CEFROHT) from Uganda, the Natural Justice (NJ) from Kenya, and the Centre for Strategic Litigation (CSL) from Tanzania, in December 2023. This was in response to the dismissal of their case, which sought compliance with the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) with regional and international human rights standards, by judges at the First Instance Division of the EACJ in November 2023.

During the dismissal, the court ruled that the applicants filed the petition out of time, stating that the petitioners should have filed the petition as early as 2017 instead of 2020. The court also ruled that it did not have jurisdiction to hear the case, meaning it did not have the legal authority to decide on this matter. These decisions were based on legal precedents and the specific circumstances of the case.

The CSOs were ordered to file the record of proceedings by Justice Nestor Kayobera by November 29, 2024.

The court session was attended by EACOP-affected communities from both Uganda and Tanzania. Among them was Mr. Gozanga Kyakulubya, an affected person from Kyotera District in Southern Uganda, who traveled to Arusha to participate in the hearing. His personal story underscores the profound impact of the EACOP on the lives of these communities.

He shared his grievance, stating, “I came to the court because I have a lot of pain. My land was taken for the EACOP, and before I was paid, it was fenced off. The government of Uganda also sued me because I rejected the low compensation offered by EACOP. We need at least one court to be fair to EACOP host communities, and we hope the East African Court of Justice will be that court.”

The EACOP has been designed, constructed, financed, and operated through a dedicated Pipeline Company with the same name. The shareholders in EACOP are affiliates of the three upstream joint venture partners: the Uganda National Oil Company (8%), TotalEnergies E&P Uganda (62%), and CNOOC Uganda Ltd (15%), together with the Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (15%).

The 1,443km pipeline will eventually transport Uganda’s crude oil from Kabaale—Hoima to the Chongoleani peninsula near Tanga Port in Tanzania.

Climate activists and civil society organizations, however, continue to oppose the project, claiming that it will harm several fragile and protected habitats irreversibly and violate key agreements and treaties.

The potential environmental damage is a cause for concern among these groups.

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Rising fertilizer dependence sparks debate over Africa’s agricultural future; experts call for urgent critical review process.

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By Witness Radio Team.

In March this year, the United Nations World Food Program (WFP) warned that the number of people facing acute hunger globally could rise sharply if escalating conflict in the Middle East continues to destabilize the global economy, projecting that nearly 45 million additional people could slide into acute food insecurity.

Since 28 February 2026, the United States and Israel have been engaged in a war with Iran and its regional allies. The conflict began when the US and Israel launched airstrikes on Iran, targeting military and government sites and assassinating several Iranian officials, including Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Iran responded with missile and drone strikes on Israel, US bases, and US-allied Arab countries in West Asia, and the temporary closure of the Strait of Hormuz, disrupting global trade.

As global tensions continue, experts have revealed that they are disrupting fertilizer supply chains and driving up prices, an issue likely to threaten food security and make policymakers feel responsible for safeguarding Africa’s future.

A recent report by GRAIN, an international Non-Governmental Organization (NGO), argues that Africa’s increasing reliance on imported chemical fertilizers is exposing farmers and food systems to economic, political, and environmental risks.

Titled “Can African Food Systems Thrive Without Chemical Fertilizers?”, the report links recent fertilizer price spikes to conflicts such as the Russia-Ukraine war and the recent escalation involving Iran, Israel, and the United States. According to the report, these crises have disrupted the movement of fertilizers and raw materials, such as natural gas and sulfur, pushing prices beyond the reach of many African farmers.

According to the report, the African fertilizer market is currently worth around US$10–15 billion and is projected to grow to US$20 billion over the next four years. It adds that the largest fertilizer manufacturers — including Yara of Norway, OCP of Morocco, PhosAgro of Russia, Nutrien of Canada, and Mosaic of the United States — are seeking to expand their presence in this fast-growing, highly profitable market.

GRAIN researcher Ange David Baimey told the Witness Radio team that growing concerns about the ongoing impact of global conflicts on African agriculture drove the investigation.

“As you can see, the recent crisis involving Iran, the USA, and the Middle East created a lot of uncertainty concerning how fertilizers can continue reaching African countries. Before this, we also had the Ukraine crisis and COVID-19. If you look at the last six years, these crises have seriously affected agriculture in Africa.” Ange, who participated in the research, told Witness Radio.

For decades, many African governments, donors, and agribusinesses have promoted chemical fertilizers as essential for increasing food production. However, the report highlights that relying on organic and sustainable practices-such as indigenous knowledge, crop diversity, and soil fertility methods-can be safer and more resilient. Showcasing successful case studies can help policymakers see practical alternatives to dependency.

“The only solution to the best agricultural practices is not chemical fertilizers. Farmers have tested and agreed that organic fertilizers are the answer. Ange further mentioned.

According to the report, the push for chemical fertilizers accelerated during the Green Revolution period, driven largely by multinational agribusiness interests seeking profits from agricultural inputs.

“The Green Revolution is not the beginning of agriculture in Africa. Our systems existed before chemical fertilizers. What we see now is a system where companies are making profits while creating dependency.” He said.

The report notes that many African countries import significant quantities of fertilizers from Gulf countries, including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Oman. Countries including Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya, and Mozambique remain highly dependent on these imports, making them vulnerable to supply disruptions and rising global prices.

Although African governments spend billions of dollars on fertilizer subsidy programs, many small-scale farmers still struggle to afford the products. In some countries, fertilizer prices are significantly higher than global averages due to import dependency, market concentration, and the dominance of multinational corporations in the supply chain.

“In our research, we also discovered that African farmers often pay more for the same fertilizers than farmers in Europe or the United States. The market is controlled by powerful companies whose goal is profit.” Ange explained.

The report identifies major corporations such as Yara International, OCP Group, and Dangote Group as key players shaping Africa’s fertilizer markets.

“These companies have huge influence and power in African agriculture. Governments must examine even discussions around continental trade agreements carefully because the same multinational companies may continue dominating the market.” Ange observed.

Beyond economic concerns, the report also highlights environmental and health impacts associated with chemical fertilizers, including soil degradation, water pollution, and increased pesticide use. The report advises African countries to adopt organic approaches to improve their yields, human and soil health, and to avoid environmental shocks.

“A change of course off the chemical fertilizer treadmill and towards agroecology is even more urgent in the face of the climate crisis. Climate scientists are calling today for a 42% global reduction in fertilizer use by 2050, to keep the planet livable.” The report noted.

Experts urge African leaders to use these global shocks as an opportunity to rethink Africa’s agricultural direction. “If you are dependent upon another person for your food, what happens when that person cuts off access? That is the situation Africa is in. The COVID crisis, the Ukraine war, and now the Gulf crisis all prove that reliance on imported fertilizers is dangerous. Africa can feed itself. The question is whether governments are willing to assist with that transition.” He concluded.

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A community in Yumbe district has raised serious concerns about allegations of land-grabbing involving an aspirant for Uganda’s Parliamentary Speakership, affecting over 50 families.

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By Witness Radio Team.

More than 50 families in Ochinga village, Aringa South Constituency in Yumbe district, are feeling vulnerable as they face eviction from the land they have lived on for decades.

The families accuse the area Member of Parliament, Alion Odria Yorke, of fraudulently acquiring their land with the support of a clan member, raising questions about transparency and abuse of power.

“He has started evicting us. And he has already started clearing part of the land. We hear he is preparing it for his cocoa farming business project,” one of the affected, Richard Ayimani, told Witness Radio.

Forty-six-year-old Asiku Victor Yada is among those facing eviction. A resident of Ochinga Village, he says he owns 21 acres of land he inherited from his parents, land that has been passed down through generations.

“I was born and raised on this land. After my father’s death, I inherited it, just as he had inherited it from his father. This has been our generational land,” Asiku told Witness Radio, sharing his deep connection and concern over the ongoing dispute.

He expressed frustration over the ongoing dispute, accusing the MP of abusing his position.

“He talks about corruption and abuse of office by others, yet he is also doing the same by using our nephew to grab our clan land. We cannot accept losing our land through what we believe is a fraudulent process,” he added.

The disputed land, estimated at 519 acres (210 ha), is part of the Kiranga clan, which the community uses for farming and cattle grazing, forming the backbone of their livelihoods.

However, Hon. Alion has dismissed the allegations, insisting that he legally purchased the land from members of the Kiranga clan on May 18, 2025, for UGX 25 million (approximately USD 6,667.91). Yet, the community disputes the transaction’s legality, raising questions about the transparency and proper consultation involved in the sale.

“I have evidence of ownership, including documents and witnesses,” The MP claimed in an interview with Witness Radio. However, affected residents strongly dispute this, insisting they were neither consulted nor aware of any such transaction, raising concerns about the authenticity of the evidence presented.

“He was duped. The person he talks to is our sister’s son, and he does not have the authority to sell clan land without our understanding. Yassin is not our clan leader or landlord as the MP alleges; he belongs to another clan called the Aupi clan,” Mr. Richard explained, highlighting the need for clarity on who has the authority to sell clan land.

Witness Radio was unable to obtain a comment from the alleged land seller, Yassin, as repeated calls to his known phone contacts went unanswered.

One of the complainants, Ayiman Richard, told Witness Radio that he is the rightful heir and custodian of the land. He argues that those who allegedly sold the land were only caretakers appointed after the death of his father.

“This land belonged to my late father, Peter Nakara Ondia. After his death, I inherited it as his heir. My nephews were only given the responsibility to look after the land while I was still young. That does not make them clan leaders or landowners,” he said.

Other residents say they were never informed or involved in the alleged sale and are now living in fear of eviction, feeling betrayed and powerless.

“How can a legislator use fraudulent means to acquire our land? We were not aware of any sale, and we cannot just surrender our land,” one resident added.

Local leaders have also raised concerns over the transaction. The LCIII Chairperson of Ariwa Sub-county, Mr. John Kale, said he was not consulted during the sale process and disputes claims that Yassin is the clan leader.

“It is very surprising that I, as the local council chairperson, did not know about the sale of this land. The Honorable Member of Parliament must have been duped,” he said, before calling on the minister to stop grabbing community land.

As tensions rise, affected families say they have nowhere to go, as the land is not only their ancestral home but also their primary source of livelihood.

Land conflicts have increased in Uganda, where politically connected individuals have found it easy to grab land belonging to poor and vulnerable communities with impunity.

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A Ugandan minister is in the hot seat over the grabbing of land from a peasant in Kiryandongo district.

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By Witness Radio Team.

At 62, Edward Balikagira says he should be enjoying the fruits of his old age after working very hard to attain what he owns now. Instead, he finds himself trapped in a prolonged land dispute with a Ugandan minister, whom he accuses of forcibly seizing his land, which has devastated his livelihood and well-being.

“I have stress, which is even affecting my life. I can’t support or manage my extended family,” Mr. Balikagira told Witness Radio in an exclusive interview.

The land under contention is located in Kinyara 2 village, Kigumba subcounty in Kiryandongo district. Balikagira accuses the current minister in charge of Karamoja affairs of unlawfully seizing 100 acres of his land, raising questions about the legal validity of his claim, the land registration process, and the evidence supporting his ownership.

Balikagira, in an interview with Witness Radio, revealed that he obtained full authority over the land after successfully purchasing it from John Bitagassa on 10th February 1996.

“A friend of mine (George Bugumirwa) alerted me about this land, which was on sale in the mid-1990s. It was in a good location, and this prompted me to buy it.” He added.

According to the father of 19, the dispute began during the processing of land title documentation for land linked to Minister Peter Lokeris. At the time, Balikagira was serving as chairperson of the sub-county Area Land Committee overseeing the process.

“We informed residents about the day when boundaries for the minister’s land were to be opened. But during the exercise, the surveyors almost encroached on my land. Later, the minister proposed that I sell my land to him.” Balikagira explained.

Balikagira says he agreed to the arrangement and negotiated a price of 500,000 Ugandan shillings per acre, totaling 50 million shillings. Trusting that payment would eventually be made, he allowed the minister to use the land temporarily while awaiting compensation.

However, according to Balikagira, the promised payment never came. He says he made several trips to Kampala to meet the minister and demand the agreed-upon money, but all his efforts proved futile.

“I had an idea that if the minister pays me, I would then buy another piece of land. I then followed up on the verbal agreement that we had with the minister, but I have yielded nothing; he failed to fulfill his promises, and now he claims he is the rightful owner of the land.”  The victim stated.

Before losing his land, Balikagira says agriculture was the main source of his family’s livelihood.

“Maize was one of the major crops I used to grow, and it was very profitable in those days. Besides other crops, I cultivated maize on about 25 acres and, in a season, I could earn up to twenty million Ugandan shillings.” He revealed.

Nearly 19 years after allegedly losing his land, Balikagira says the emotional toll has been overwhelming, leaving him distressed and feeling abandoned by the system he trusted to protect his rights.

“The situation is very terrible. My family has fallen into deep economic distress, forcing me to sell remaining assets, including small plots of land, to meet basic needs such as school fees. This has disrupted my children’s education, with some dropping out of school,” he said.

He added that the prolonged struggle has also taken a heavy emotional and psychological toll, leaving him stressed, financially unstable, and unable to support his extended family adequately.  This situation highlights the need for greater awareness of land rights and the legal protections available to landowners like Balikagira who allege unlawful land seizures by powerful officials.

“I have gone to the RDC’s office and many other government offices seeking justice over this matter, but I have not received any help. Maybe it is because an ordinary person is fighting against a minister,” Balikagira said.

The minister, in an interview with a local Television station, denied these claims, asserting that he is the rightful owner of the land and dismissing Balikagira’s allegations as false.

Balikagira pleads with the government, and in particular the president of Uganda, to advise his minister to evacuate his land. He says, “Lokeris knows that he is an honorable minister, and since I am poor, I cannot do anything to him. I therefore request the president to help me so that the minister evacuates my land.”

The Deputy Resident District Commissioner (D/RDC) of Kiryandongo District, Jonathan Akweteireho, told Witness Radio that Balikagira has repeatedly reported the land dispute to his office over the years.

“He says the minister is his neighbor who grabbed his land. He maintains that the minister is not the rightful owner of the land,” Akweteireho said.

According to the deputy RDC, the RDC’s office has already written to the Ministry of the Presidency requesting intervention and investigations into the rightful ownership of the contested land.

“We wrote to our line ministry to take up the matter since we could not directly reach the minister involved. However, we have not yet received any response,” he explained. “We also wrote to the Kiryandongo District Land Board to follow up on the matter and establish the rightful owner of the land, but we have not yet received feedback from them either.”

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