MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
U.S. Peace Efforts in the DRC: Protecting Communities or Minerals?
Published
5 months agoon

By the Witness Radio team.
A three-decade conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has affected millions of people. Some have been violently shot at and killed, while others have been dispossessed from what they called their homes, with many currently placed in Internally Displaced Camps (IDPs).
A 2025 report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights of internally displaced persons to the DRC revealed that Armed conflict, accompanied by natural resource governance challenges, has collectively driven over 7 million internally displaced people from their homes, placing the DRC among the top five countries globally in terms of the number of internally displaced persons.
The conflict in the DRC dates back to the aftermath of the Rwandan Genocide, when nearly two million Hutu refugees fled into eastern Congo. Some extremist groups formed armed militias there, often driven by control over mineral-rich areas, leading to escalating tensions with Tutsi groups and drawing neighboring countries into the conflict. This triggered the First Congo War (1996-1997) and subsequent wars that have devastated the region. Since 1996, reports estimate that the conflicts in eastern Congo, fueled by competition over resources like coltan and cobalt, have contributed to the deaths of roughly six million people.
Authorities in the DRC, along with numerous United Nations reports, have for so long accused Rwanda of backing the M23 rebel group, allegations that Rwanda has denied for decades. However, according to a January 24 article by The Rwandan, an online news platform, a high-ranking Rwandan official later acknowledged security coordination with M23/AFC rebels.
Different reports and analysts attribute the unending conflict to mineral resources and, perhaps, land grabbing. In an effort to end the conflict that had lasted over 30 years, the US brokered agreements between the DRC and Rwanda in June 2025, later reinforced by the Washington Accords. These agreements are intended to promote peace, security, and economic growth in the Great Lakes region.
However, beyond the language of peace and cooperation, civil society groups and observers have raised concerns about who truly benefits from these agreements-whether local communities, foreign corporations, or political elites-and how these benefits impact human rights and resource control.
They argue that much of the content reflects ‘peace for minerals,’ underscoring the need for the audience to recognize the importance of human rights protections in resource exploitation and conflict resolution.
“There’s nothing in the deal about accountability, about justice, about holding the perpetrators of the violence and the conflict accountable. It’s all about business and money. This looks like awarding players like Rwanda, who have been accused of supporting M23 in committing atrocities in the DRC,” Oakland Institute’s Policy Director Frederic Mousseau told Witness Radio journalist, in an exclusive interview.
The Washington Accords consist of three separate agreements. The first is a peace agreement signed by both Congo and Rwanda, calling for a ceasefire and improved relations. The second establishes the Regional Economic Integration Framework, which promotes joint economic cooperation and enables collaboration on regional resources. The third agreement, the Strategic Partnership Agreement, was signed by the Congolese government and the US to strengthen cooperation on economic development and resource security.
While Washington frames its role as a mediator, critics argue that the structure of these deals reveals a deeper pattern: US geopolitical and economic interests, especially access to strategic minerals like cobalt and coltan, often take precedence over genuine peacebuilding efforts, reflecting broader regional and international power plays that prioritize resource control over local stability.
A familiar pattern in US foreign policy.
In 2003, the US, under President George W. Bush, led the 2003 Iraq War, citing the threat of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and the need to promote democracy in Iraq. These claims were never substantiated.
But war Critics maintained that there were other motives behind the decision of the US government to invade Iraq aside from promoting peace and democracy, claiming the invasion was motivated largely by oil-related benefits to the US, including its interest in gaining control of the oil reserves in Iraq. This was confirmed by some US officials.
In a 2013 article by CNN, some military officials attested that oil was the central goal of the US-Iraq invasion. “Of course, it’s about oil; we can’t really deny that,” Gen. John Abizaid, former head of US Central Command and Military Operations in Iraq, was quoted in an article, which also quotes several other officials.
Today, Iraq remains deeply affected by the consequences of that intervention, even as global powers continue to benefit from its vast oil reserves. In contrast, many of its citizens continue to endure the resulting hardships.
The DRC: a global mineral powerhouse.
The DRC possesses some of the world’s most important minerals for contemporary industry, yet these resources have not translated into development or improved livelihoods for its citizens. Instead, ongoing conflict and resource exploitation have often marginalized local communities, exacerbating human rights abuses and economic disparities.
According to the International Trade Administration, DRC holds some of the World’s largest reserves of cobalt (about 50–70 percent of global supply), copper, coltan, lithium, and gold, which makes it a strategic epicenter in the global race for critical minerals. These resources are indispensable for electric vehicles, renewable energy technologies, and defense and aerospace industries.
The Washington Accords are a reward for an aggressor.
Questions remain about the intentions behind the US-brokered deal, particularly given its history of resource interests, its failure to ensure parties adhere to previous agreements, and ongoing concerns over Rwanda’s continued impunity.
“The peace agreement signed in June 2025 between Rwanda and the DRC under the auspices of the Trump administration raises serious concerns about whom it truly serves.” Oakland Institute’s featured report mentions, adding that the deal, “Rather than securing lasting peace for the Congolese people, it appears poised to benefit corporate and financial interests eager to access the country’s vast mineral wealth.”
Most mineral-rich areas are currently under the control of the M23 rebel group, including Rubaya, home to the largest coltan mine in the Great Lakes region. A 2024 report by a UN group of experts on the DRC stated that the AFC/M23 established a parallel administration that controlled mining activities, trade, transport, and the fraudulent taxation of minerals, which were then exported to Rwanda.
Rwanda has been a major exporter of tantalum (metallic ore derived from coltan) to the US over the last ten years, accounting for over 54% of US ore imports in certain years. A significant portion of this coltan, according to reports, was trafficked from the eastern DRC, and the problem has worsened since the M23 seized control of the Rubaya coltan mines in April 2024.
“Rwanda’s role as a refinery and export hub is of particular strategic interest to the United States, especially for securing reliable supplies of 3T minerals—tin, tantalum, and tungsten— critical to the US military-industrial complex.” Adds Mousseau.
Additionally, between 2017 and 2024, Rwanda’s mineral exports increased by nearly 500 percent –from US$373 million to US$1.75 billion – with gold the main export commodity, representing US$1.5 billion in 2024.
“The deal granted Rwanda privileged access to Congolese resources and a key role in their refining and reexport, especially for coltan and tungsten – a reward for an aggressor who has made hundreds of millions of dollars from the plundering of Congolese minerals. This impunity and injustice can’t bring peace to Congo,” added Mousseau.
In late 2025, Trinity Metals, Rwanda’s largest producer of “conflict-free” tungsten, initiated a historic direct supply chain of tungsten concentrate (WO3) to the United States with support from the US Development Finance Corporation (DFC) funds through its UK holding.
“DFC has financed Trinity Metals, and it started exporting tungsten to the US last year. And in October, there was a first shipment from this company to the US of tungsten, a critical mineral for the defense industry. Interestingly, the DFC doesn’t finance Trinity Metals directly, but through its holding company, the UK-based TechMEX, for a tune of $105 million.” Mousseau reveals.
Missing accountability for harm
With this evidence of mineral collaboration, and Rwanda being accused of exploiting minerals in the DRC, critics argue that the deal may actually create more room for exploitation rather than contribute to ending the war.
According to the MOSSAC International outreach coordinator, Dr. Deborah S Rogers, what the Rwandan Army is perpetrating in the DRC amounts to a crime against humanity and deserves to be held accountable rather than being rewarded to take control of DRC resources. “It’s not a normal war, of one army against another. It’s a terrorist campaign by those who invaded the DRC and took over the government. They are attempting to make people too scared to fight back.”
She further added, “They are being rewarded with exactly what they tried to seize through armed conflict. They took it by force, and now there is an agreement that effectively legalizes and normalizes the ongoing theft and the pillaging of the minerals from the DRC into Rwanda,” Dr. Deborah S Rogers told Witness Radio.
She explains that Rwanda has extended its control over lands that formerly belonged to DRC citizens, many of whom have been killed by armed groups. In contrast, others were forced into hiding, resulting in widespread dispossession.
“Rwanda seeks land because it is a small country with a growing population in need of more space. In the areas under their control, terror tactics are used to force people out. Residents face torture, killings, and sexual violence, making it impossible to live there safely. Many are internally displaced, while others flee to neighboring countries as refugees,” Dr. Deborah highlighted.
As Congolese seek safety, Rwandan settlers, according to Dr. Deborah, are moving into these farms and homes. “When people do return after violence has decreased temporarily in their home regions, they discover that Rwandese have taken over their lands and homes.”
Instead of addressing these serious concerns, civil society groups and experts allege that the Trump-brokered agreements focus primarily on Congolese minerals.
“The main agreements brokered by President Trump and his administration do not provide any reparations or compensation,” Frederic Mousseau revealed.
The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has recorded some 600 summary executions, claiming more than 1,300 lives in the Democratic Republic of the Congo since October 2025.
“Nearly 1,500 people were abducted during the same period, and 1,200 others were subjected to physical violence, including torture, rape, and other inhumane treatment. The persistent use of sexual violence as a weapon of war inflicts unspeakable suffering on Congolese women and girls. Since October, our office has documented some 450 victims of sexual and gender-based violence,” said Nada Al-Nashif, Deputy High Commissioner for Human Rights, on Wednesday, March 25.
Amid rising violent tensions, the Congolese population is being hit hardest, while the peace deals are showing no effort to provide redress. Beyond the continued violence, hunger is also spreading.
“The conflict is expanding beyond North and South Kivu into Tshopo Province, which lies far from the epicenter of the fighting,” revealed Vivian van de Perre, interim head of MONUSCO, adding that approximately 26.6 million people, about a quarter of the country’s population, face hunger as a direct result of the conflict.
While the Washington Accords are presented as a pathway to peace, they risk entrenching exploitation and rewarding those who have profited from violence. Lasting stability in the DRC will only be possible when justice, accountability, and the protection of local communities are prioritized over geopolitical and corporate interests.
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A mining site for Coltan mined from DRC..
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A mining site for Coltan mined from DRC.,
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
Civil society groups at UNCCD COP17 are calling for urgent action on land rights, drought, and vital funding.
Published
13 hours agoon
August 18, 2026
By the Witness Radio team.
ULAANBAATAR, Mongolia: At the 17th session of the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD COP17), civil society organizations urged governments to turn promises into real action, tackling land degradation, drought, and the mounting dangers confronting land-dependent communities.
At a press conference in Ulaanbaatar on Monday, August 17, civil society representatives from every corner of the globe—Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, Western Europe, and Central and Eastern Europe—shared their priorities and plans for the two-week Summit.
Throughout COP17, these organizations plan to actively engage with government negotiators, national focal points, and other stakeholders, bringing forward evidence and community voices to ensure their priorities shape the conference’s outcomes.
They will also champion meaningful participation for civil society, Indigenous peoples, pastoralists, women, youth, and local communities in every stage of negotiations, implementation, monitoring, and follow-up.
The Civil Society Organization (CSO) Panel, which leads civil society engagement in the UNCCD process, shared that its members have spent nearly a year collecting perspectives from all five regions and crafting 19 key messages and recommendations for COP17.
Andy Morris, the Western European representative on the CSO Panel, said their main expectation is for COP17 to become an “action COP” that moves commitments into implementation.
“Our main expectation is that COP17 moves commitments to implementation,” Morris said, adding that this action COP requires accessible and adequate finance reaching communities and local actors who can implement solutions on the ground.
The CSOs are also determined to strengthen knowledge-sharing between governments, scientists, practitioners, Indigenous peoples, local communities, and pastoralists.
Morris emphasized that Indigenous, traditional, and local knowledge deserves equal recognition with scientific knowledge. He also called for greater support for civil society and local actors to generate evidence and monitor land degradation and restoration.
“We have a wealth of knowledge at our fingertips, and we need to bridge the gap between indigenous people’s knowledge and science,” he said.
Civil society organizations have made secure and fair access to land and land tenure a top priority, especially for women, Indigenous peoples, and local communities.
They are urging robust multi-stakeholder land governance, integrated land-use planning, and sustainable water management to help territories withstand drought.
They are pressing governments to shift from reactive drought responses to proactive, locally led strategies that boost land restoration and soil health.
The CSO Panel also prioritizes bolder action on land degradation neutrality and tighter coordination across land, climate, biodiversity, water, and food security agendas.
Sopiko Babalashvili, representing Central and Eastern Europe on the CSO Panel, said civil society wants COP17 commitments to translate into action at the community level.
“It’s important to increase accessible and secure finance for locally led and community-led solutions and translate commitments into action on the ground,” Babalashvili said.
African civil society representative Ellen Otaru-Okoedion highlighted that civil society organizations have been tackling desertification, land degradation, and drought at the grassroots long before these issues reach international negotiations.
“CSOs play an integral role in addressing desertification, land degradation, and drought within communities long before these challenges reach international negotiations.” She added that civil society organizations are more than observers at COP17; they are knowledge holders, partners in sharing and implementing solutions, and key contributors to locally rooted progress. The organizations urge governments to keep COP17 inclusive and ensure civil society has a real voice in negotiations, implementation, monitoring, and follow-up.
“We are also implementation partners and contributors to locally grounded solutions,” Ellen further revealed, adding that they will continue to engage with negotiators, party officials, national focal points and different caucuses while working with civil society networks and partners across regions and other environmental conventions.
Civil society representatives also voiced concerns about the shrinking financial space for organizations working on the frontlines in communities.
They warned that relying too heavily on external project funding can undermine civil society’s independence and called for new approaches to help organizations build more sustainable funding streams.
The panel pointed to capacity building, networking, and organizational development as key ways to empower CSOs to mobilize resources and keep supporting communities.
The organizations are also pushing for closer coordination among the three major Rio Conventions on desertification, climate change, and biodiversity.
They argue that land degradation, drought, water insecurity, climate change, biodiversity loss, and food security are deeply interconnected challenges that demand coordinated solutions, not isolated efforts.
As negotiations unfold over the next two weeks, civil society groups are determined to make sure the voices of communities affected by land degradation and drought shape the decisions made at COP17.
They believe the true measure of the conference’s success will not be what is agreed on paper, but whether those commitments reach communities through funding, action, monitoring, and greater participation by those who rely on the land for their livelihoods.
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MEDIA FOR CHANGE NETWORK
South Africa’s top court blocks Shell oil exploration off country’s Wild Coast
Published
14 hours agoon
August 18, 2026
In a landmark judgment on Aug. 14, South Africa’s Constitutional Court set aside exploration rights held by oil giant Shell and Impact Africa, a South African oil and gas company. The ruling prevents the companies from exploring for fossil fuels off South Africa’s Wild Coast.
The case was brought by Wild Coast communities and environmental organizations after Shell announced plans in 2021 to conduct a 3D seismic survey off the country’s Eastern Cape province coastline. They argued that authorities had failed to meaningfully consult affected communities or consider harms to their spiritual and cultural rights and livelihoods. Authorities also failed to consider the potential harm to marine life and climate change, the plaintiffs argued.
In the judgement, Justice Jody Kollapen wrote the majority opinion and said consulting communities isn’t just a procedural requirement, but “a process which affirms human dignity by affording a seat at the table to those whose lives are impacted by decisions.”
Acknowledging the “cornerstone role that dispossession played in the apartheid regime,” the court noted that South Africa’s natural resources are highly contested and that the case is embedded in “well-documented struggles by coastal communities to protect their land, marine resources and ways of life in the face of extractive activities.”
The judges also considered last year’s International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion on countries’ obligations in the context of climate change: “Decisions must be taken within a framework of heightened diligence, informed by scientific knowledge, international commitments and the foreseeable impacts of emissions on present and future generations,” Kollapen wrote.
The question of oil exploration rights in the area began in 2014, when the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy granted Impact Africa Limited the right to undertake a seismic survey to look for oil and gas reserves on the Wild Coast. Impact Africa Limited is a subsidiary of Impact Oil & Gas Limited, which in 2021 transferred a 50% stake of its exploration rights in the area to Shell.
The case has appeared before several South African courts over the past decade before reaching the Constitutional Court, the highest in the country.
Carmen Mannarino from the South African nonprofit Masifundise Development Trust, which works with communities in the area, told Mongabay that the court’s decision is a victory for fishing communities. “The court recognized that exploring for resources in light of potential future financial benefits does not compare to the constitutionally recognized rights of fishing communities,” Mannarino said.
“This is the apex court and the first time that it has dealt with issues relating to the community and environmental rights in relation to oil and gas exploitation,” Melissa Groenink, an attorney with one of the applicants, civil society organization Natural Justice, told Mongabay, adding that the ruling might influence similar cases currently in process.
Shell did not respond to Mongabay’s request for comment by the time of publication.
Banner image: Fisherpeople in Port St. Johns, Eastern Cape. Image courtesy of Aletta Harrison CC BY 4.0.
Source: news.mongabay.com
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Minister Nabakooba wants special land title issuance halted
Published
2 days agoon
August 17, 2026
She said the continued issuance of the certificates without adequate verification was fuelling land disputes and creating opportunities for land grabbers to deprive legitimate owners of their property.
Lands minister Judith Nabakooba wants the issuance of certificates of occupancy, which act as land titles, halted for three months to allow the Government to review and streamline the process and curb double titling.
She said the continued issuance of the certificates without adequate verification was fuelling land disputes and creating opportunities for land grabbers to deprive legitimate owners of their property.
She made the remarks on August 14, 2026, during a lands staff meeting at the Office of the Prime Minister in Kampala.
The minister warned lands officers against issuing special certificates for land that already has registered ownership, saying those who disregard the procedures could face arrest.
“You have slept on your duty on the issue of special certificates. When you continue issuing them, I will send the police, and they will arrest you.”
Nabakooba cited cases in Kyengera and Kabula, in Wakiso and Lyantonde districts respectively, where the titles had reportedly been issued despite existing claims and titles on the same land.
“We need to sit and have a clear guideline on how to handle that issue,” she said, adding that many of the reported cases were coming from the Buganda region.
She said the creation of special titles on already registered land was also placing pressure on ministry leadership, as affected people frequently seek intervention.
“I receive distress calls from my bosses. You are putting special titles on existing titles, which makes my work very hard,” she said.
Nabakooba urged lands officials to take responsibility for the services they provide and follow proper procedures when handling land transactions.
She also directed lands officers to clear the backlog of land transactions by December, questioning how officials who frequently absent themselves from duty would meet the deadline.
She said the ministry continues to receive complaints about officers who report to work only once a week.
“You disappear a lot. Every time you give excuses. There are people who work for only one day a week. We get a lot of complaints from the public,” she said.
The minister also criticised poor customer care, saying some officers shout at clients and create an intimidating environment that discourages people from freely presenting their land-related concerns.
She further directed officials to remove brokers operating around Ministry Zonal Offices, accusing them of misleading clients and sometimes posing as ministry officials to solicit money.
“Let’s try to get brokers out of our offices. They even start blackmailing our names, posing as officials from the ministry and taking money from people,” she said.
Nabakooba also directed staff to wear name tags and ministry shirts to help members of the public distinguish genuine ministry employees from brokers.
The technical officers were also directed to enter titles completed under the Systematic Land Adjudication and Certification programme into the land information system and ensure they are distributed to the intended beneficiaries.
“This is a World Bank loan, and we have to pay back the money, so let’s use it properly to finish the services they were asked for,” she said.
Nabakooba also urged technical officers to accompany ministers during field visits, saying their expertise is necessary to provide technical guidance and help the Government understand challenges faced by communities.
What others said
Acting permanent secretary in the lands ministry Dr Emmanuel Mugunga urged staff to embrace teamwork, accountability and respectful treatment of colleagues and clients.
He warned that the Human Capital Management System would track staff attendance and that absenteeism would have consequences.
Housing state minister Persis Namuganza urged staff to restore public confidence in the ministry, saying some members of the public now associate lands officials with land grabbing.
Lands state minister Harriet Ntabaazi called for greater collaboration among officers and warned technical staff against treating themselves as “small gods” at their duty stations.
Ntabaazi said land grabbing, overlapping titles, double titling and family conflicts remain among the major challenges facing the lands sector.
She also cautioned officers against soliciting money from clients, saying such practices damage the ministry’s reputation.
The ministers called for stronger accountability, adherence to proper procedures and improved teamwork to restore public confidence in land administration.
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