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Ugandan Communities Say Total’s Oil Project Is More of a Land Grab than a Development Opportunity

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Fred Balikenda and his family were forcefully evicted from their home in Kirama village, Buliisa district on May 13, 2024 to make way for the Tilenga project. Photo by Diana Taremwa-Karakire.

When Jealousy Mugisa Mulimba, a 52-year-old father of nine in Uganda’s oil-rich Buliisa district, was informed he would need to move his family from his ancestral home because French oil giant TotalEnergies needed his three acres to build their central processing facility in the region, he was reasonable. He didn’t put up a fight. Instead, he asked that the company give him three acres nearby; somewhere out of the way of the facility, but still near the place he’d always called home, the health facilities he and his family rely upon, and his kids’ schools.

He was instead shown land far away, isolated and distant from everything and everyone he’d ever known. After a five-year legal battle, a Ugandan court expropriated his land anyway in 2023, along with that of 41 other affected people.

“They are inhuman,” he said during a recent interview. “This is my land on which my ancestors are buried. I will not just leave like they want, I will continue fighting.”

Together with other affected people, Mr. Mulimba plans to appeal the decision of the Hoima court in Uganda’s high court.

A resettlement house built by TotalEnergies for project affected persons PAPS . Some PAPs have expressed concerns that these houses are isolated compared to the communal settings they were accustomed to. Photo by Diana Taremwa-Karakire.

A resettlement house built by TotalEnergies for project affected persons PAPS . Some PAPs have expressed concerns that these houses are isolated compared to the communal settings they were accustomed to. Photo by Diana Taremwa-Karakire.

Although the Ugandan government promises that oil projects will lift the country out of poverty and put Uganda’s natural resources to work for the betterment of Ugandan citizens, activists are concerned not only about the hundreds of millions of tons of carbon dioxide these projects will generate, but also about the more immediate impacts. These range from the potential for spills and the impact on animals and birds in biodiverse regions, to the way the country’s burgeoning fossil fuel industry is displacing various communities, bringing them not the promised riches of an oil boom, but sending them ever deeper into poverty.

Uganda first discovered commercial quantities of oil nearly 20 years ago, but it wasn’t until TotalEnergies and the Chinese National Offshore Oil Company CNOOC inked a deal to exploit the resources in the Lake Albert region in 2022 that the country’s fossil fuel industry began in earnest. The region, which lies on the country’s western border with the Democratic Republic of the Congo, is estimated to hold over 6.5 billion barrels of oil, with 1.4 billion barrels economically recoverable. TotalEnergies is the major operator for both the Tilenga oilfields, a $6 billion project covering Buliisa and Nwoya districts near the shores of Lake Albert, and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline, or EACOP, project that will transport that oil from Uganda to an export port in Tanzania. Other partners are CNOOC and the state-owned Uganda National Oil Company, as well as Tanzania’s state-owned Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation.

Getting all that oil and gas to customers requires infrastructure, which is where EACOP comes in. The plan calls for a 900-mile pipeline stretching from the small town of Kabale, in western Uganda, to the Tanzanian port of Tanga. If completed, it will have the capacity to carry up to 246,000 barrels of crude a day to a storage terminal and loading jetty in Tanga. The waxy nature of Uganda’s crude will require the pipeline to be heated constantly for the crude to keep flowing. Experts say that this is the largest heated oil pipeline to be constructed.

Meanwhile, the Tilenga oilfields lie in one of not just Uganda’s but Africa’s most biodiverse regions. According to state environment regulator National Environment Management Authority NEMA, the Albertine region hosts 14 percent of all of African reptiles, 19 percent of Africa’s amphibians and 52 percent of the continent’s birds, as well as 35 percent of all of Africa’s butterflies and 39 percent of all African mammals.

The project includes the development of 6 oil fields and the drilling of about 426 wells, with 10 wellpads located inside Murchison Falls National Park, Uganda’s largest national park. It also includes an industrial area with a lake water abstraction facility and a central processing facility capable of processing up to 200,000 barrels of oil per day. Currently, the project aims to produce up to 190,000 barrels of oil daily to meet global demand. Drilling activities are ongoing at Tilenga with over 110 wells drilled so far.

Land Grab

The completion of the Tilenga and EACOP projects will not only displace animals, birds and amphibians, but also people. The projects require a land acquisition program covering some 6,400 hectares. This means relocating 775 primary residences, and affecting a total of  19,262 stakeholders, landowners, and land users.

TotalEnergies is responsible for overseeing the land acquisition process, including all administrative costs and compensation payments. However, the company contracted Atacama Consulting, a Ugandan firm, to carry out the implementation of this process.

While land and property rights in Uganda are safeguarded under Article 26 of the Constitution and the Land Act of 1998, the land acquisition process for these projects is guided by government-mandated Land Acquisition Resettlement Framework and Resettlement Action Plans (RAPS) that are part of assessments carried out by TotalEnergies. The compensation rates for land, permanent buildings, rates for crops and temporary structures are determined based on market analysis approved by the chief government valuer.

The Tilenga RAP stipulates that the project will re-establish the livelihoods of affected persons to an equal or greater level than before the project activities. Most of the land has been acquired from the 5,576 landowners or project affected people under the Tilenga project.

However, many of the people in question, like Mulimba, report unresolved disputes and claim that these projects have left them worse off than before, driving them deeper into poverty.

On December 8, 2023, the High Court in Hoima ruled that 42 households be evicted before compensation to make way for the Tilenga Project. The court allowed TotalEnergies to deposit compensation funds in court and take the land, even by force if needed. While the company made compensation payments after resolving disputes, many affected families still argue that the compensation was inadequate.

The Ugandan project, along with the vast natural gas fields of Mozambique, are at the center of TotalEnergies’s Africa strategy, which it says is to “develop responsible, low cost, low emission oil and gas production.” This strategy fits well into the plans of Uganda’s long-time leader, Yoweri Museveni, who has made the development of the $10 billion hydrocarbon industry a cornerstone of his plan to transform this impoverished East African nation.

At an event to announce the final investment decision for the $10bn project in February 2022, TotalEnergies chief executive Patrick Pouyanné said that he had travelled to Uganda more than any other country since 2018 to push through the project.

“The development of Lake Albert resources is a major project for Uganda and Tanzania, and our ambition is to make it an exemplary project in terms of shared prosperity and sustainable development. We are fully aware of the important social and environmental challenges it represents,” he said.

But allegations of rights violations to local communities have dogged the oil giant. Activists say the Tilenga project’s land acquisition process has been marked by delayed, inadequate and unfair compensation as well as the use of threats, intimidation, and other tactics to coerce many poor families into accepting bad deals for their land. This has led to resistance to the project’s efforts to fence off land in some areas, despite the company’s insistence that it sought consent and is following social safeguards.

“TotalEnergies has failed to respect the rights of local communities. It has failed to gain the informed consent of affected communities for the project as is legally required,” said Benon Tusingwire, the executive director at Navigators of Development Association NAVODA, a local rights group working in the project area. He also noted that officials from Atacama have been coercing and tricking affected people into signing consent forms for the acquisition of their land.

TotalEnergies did not reply to multiple requests for comment.

As the deadline for the production of first oil approaches, the actions of both TotalEnergies and government officials have become more aggressive, residents claim.

On the morning of May 13, 2024, Fred Balikenda (pictured in the photo at the top of this story), a local peasant farmer living on the margins of one of TotalEnergies oil wells, suffered one of the most brutal evictions to date. A group of gun-toting policemen in Toyota Pickup trucks bumped into the fenced enclosure of Balikenda’s home and ordered him and his wife out of their 4 bedroom house. As they waited in the yard, the officers, backed by around a dozen un-uniformed men, started demolishing the house.

Balikenda, along with other landowners, including Mulimba, lost the suit in April 2024 in which they had sought to halt their evictions. The Judge in Hoima city, near the oil fields, ruled that money meant for the expropriation compensation should be deposited with the court and that the government could evict locals so that TotalEnergies construction activities could go ahead.

“They threw out some of my belongings through the windows,” Balikenda said, gazing into the distance. “We are now living a life of destitution, we have lost so much land to the project and yet what we were being compensated isn’t equal to what is being taken. We no longer have access to community grazing land, all my cows and pigs have died.”

Even before this eviction, Balikenda was effectively living in an open-air prison for months after TotalEnergies fenced in his home and a 1-acre piece of land that he had refused to vacate before his replacement house was complete. His pigs starved to death because he could no longer get out of the enclosure to get them fodder, he says. Court is yet to rule on their appeal.

“We are really going through some of the roughest times,” Balikenda said.  “Our families are traumatized”

The Petroleum Authority of Uganda, or PAU, the state regulator for the oil and gas sector, says that recent evictions of Tilenga affected persons followed the due legal process.

“The Tilenga Project prioritizes minimizing disruption to affected communities and ensuring that all PAPs [project-affected persons] are adequately compensate for their losses and inconveniences. Despite the comprehensive compensation and resettlement efforts, the final PAPs’ repeated refusal to relocate necessitated legal action by the government,” says a statement from PAU.

However, lawyers representing Balikenda and others insist that the court process was flawed. In a country where the justice system mostly rules in favor of the government, affected people remain helpless.

“If it were not for the harassment, intimidation, arrests, detentions and other threats that they face, they would never have accepted the low compensation,” said Tusingwire.

Pump Station 1 (PS1) of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline  project in Hoima district, a critical part of the EACOP infrastructure, receiving crude oil from feeder pipelines from the Kingfisher and Tilenga oil fields and transporting it to port Tanga in Tanzania. Photo by Diana Taremwa-Karakire.

Pump Station 1 (PS1) of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline project in Hoima district, a critical part of the EACOP infrastructure, receiving crude oil from feeder pipelines from the Kingfisher and Tilenga oil fields and transporting it to port Tanga in Tanzania. Photo by Diana Taremwa-Karakire.

The Pattern Continues in Mozambique

More than 2000 kilometers to the south, TotalEnergies’ $20 billion natural gas project in northern Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province was saved in 2021 by a well-timed donation from France to Rwanda, which was followed just a few weeks later by the deployment of some 2,500 Rwandan peace-keeping troops to fight Jihadist fighters in the region. The deployment happened months after TotalEnergies had declared force majeure on the project due to an offensive by Islamic State-linked insurgents.

The insurgency, which has been raging since 2017, is mainly spearheaded by angry young men who resent security force abuses and believe elites monopolize the region’s natural resources while local communities starve. As in Uganda, the company’s approach to land acquisition and community outreach has not served to quell that anger; relocation efforts have often resulted in the displacement of communities far from their traditional and familial roots, with farmers being moved to non-arable land or fishermen to new villages far from the sea.

Critics of the gas project argue that while the insurgency is rooted in Cabo Delgado’s complex political and religious history, so far Total’s operations follow a familiar pattern of extracting wealth from the province with little benefit to local residents.

According to the International Crisis Group, the insurgents are fighting for a “meaningful role in the Cabo Delgado economy, so they can benefit from the opportunities created by major mining and gas projects.”

TotalEnergies has been forced to shore up more security measures, signing a security pact contracting Isco Segurança, a security company backed by  Rwanda’s ruling party, to secure the gas fields. But analysts believe that such security arrangements will not leave a lasting solution since the grievances are felt deeply by large sections of the region’s impoverished population.

“Thousands of Livelihoods Devastated”

A 2023 report by Human Rights Watch indicated that the EACOP project has devastated thousands of livelihoods in Uganda and risks locking in decades of greenhouse gas emissions, contributing to the global climate crisis. More than a dozen banks and insurance companies have shunned investment in EACOP, citing environmental and human-rights concerns.

With so many lenders on the sidelines, China has been willing to show support for the project. Last year, Ruth Nankabirwa, the Minister of Energy and Mineral Development, told state media that China would provide more than half of the $3.05 billion in debt financing needed, with smaller lenders taking up the rest of the slack.

According to the government, the oil industry is projected to bring a $40 billion boost to Uganda’s economy. When production is at its peak, the government will receive an anticipated $2 billion a year in revenue from the development.

Irene Batebe the permanent secretary at the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development says that the government is committed to ensuring that the oil and gas sector is exploited without breaching environmental guidelines. Commercializing Uganda’s  oil and gas will provide funds to spur  development and investment in more renewable energy sources. The industry will also produce Liquified Petroleum Gas, which Batebe says will provide a cleaner cooking energy source and help to save crucial forest cover.Uganda is set to produce 100,000kg of liquified petroleum gas annually at the peak of oil production which is set to be used for cooking in homes, transport and heating.

From 2001 to 2023, Uganda lost 1.10 Mha of tree cover, equivalent to a 14% decrease in tree cover since 2000 according to figures from Global Forest Watch.

Forest cover has been shrinking at a rate of 15 percent each year over the past decade, due largely to the country’s over-reliance on charcoal and firewood for cooking.

“The real problem is not EACOP or fossil fuels , the real problem is, you have at least 57%of households having access to a source of electricity meaning the bulk of us are depending on rudimentary biomass,about 80% of our population is burning fuel wood and charcoal,” Batebe says.

But not everyone agrees on what constitutes “betterment” and for which people. In an interview, Dickens Kamugisha, the Chief Executive Officer of Africa Institute for Energy Governance, contends that the Ugandan government appears bent on maximizing proceeds from the industry without regard for Indigenous communities and the environment.

“The longer we wait to reduce emissions, the greater our collective suffering will be,” said Mr. Kamugisha , who spent weeks in detention in 2021 over charges related to his environmental advocacy work around EACOP “We must reduce and eventually eliminate our dependence on fossil fuels if we are serious about halting global warming.”

Source: drilled.media

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Why govt is launching a comprehensive digital land registry

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RDC Fatumah Ndisaba making enquiries at the MZO-Mukono’s registry desk in 2024. Govt is launching a comprehensive digital land registry

COMMENT | DAVID MUWONGE |  Land has historically symbolized wealth and power. In the past, kingdoms expanded their influence by acquiring new territories.

This pursuit continued into the colonial era, spanning the 15th to the 20th centuries, with European powers scrambling for control over Africa. They were driven by a desire not just for human labour but also for large amounts of agricultural land, political power, and the raw materials needed to fuel the Industrial Revolution in the West. As a result, the distribution and management of land became increasingly complex.

In Uganda, the colonial era ushered in the 1900 Buganda Agreement, a turning point in the nation’s land history. Among its key provisions was land reform. It introduced the mailo system at the center of it all. Under this agreement, large estates were divided. About 8,000 square miles were granted to roughly 1,000 chiefs and landowners, establishing a unique land tenure system. These changes have had lasting effects on Uganda’s approach to land ownership and governance.

Over time, this structure evolved into the four land tenure systems recognized by the 1995 Uganda Constitution: customary (traditional communal or family-based ownership), freehold (absolute ownership), mailo (a system with distinct rights for owners and tenants), and leasehold (land held for a fixed term under a lease agreement, often with rent payments).

However, even as the land tenure system evolved by law to include leasehold, controversy persisted, especially regarding government land. This ongoing tension highlights the need to address historical challenges while adapting to modern realities.

This is partly because there is no comprehensive, up-to-date inventory of government land, and the Uganda Land Commission’s limited district presence. Thus, significant tests in managing and protecting government land, making it vulnerable to mismanagement and encroachment.

Recognizing these challenges, the Government of Uganda is now taking decisive steps to modernize land management systems and restore confidence in public land administration. The government is launching a digital land inventory through the Uganda Land Commission, aiming to secure, monitor, and ensure transparent management of all state-owned land.

The Uganda Land Commission (ULC), established under Article 238 of the Constitution, is tasked with holding and managing all land in Uganda vested in or acquired by the state, ensuring it is protected, put to proper use, and fully accounted for.

According to Tom John Fisher Kasenge, a commissioner at Uganda Land Commission, much of the government land has been encroached upon. Government land includes all property managed or held by ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs), government schools, health centres, hospitals, police stations, prisons, offices, farms, and army barracks. It also covers land under the National Forestry Authority. ULC is the custodian of this land and holds the titles on behalf of all MDAs.

“This inventory will also go a long way in helping to solve land disputes, wrangles and conflicts that are over land management and ownership in the country,” Kasenge remarked.

“There is a big problem now, as we talk, in distinguishing between land owned by the government and managed by the Commission; land under the Buganda Land Board; and land under the authorities, like the local governments and the cities,” Kasenge added.

“Because of that lack of accuracy in the boundaries and extent of the land and the jurisdiction of each of these bodies.”

The Land Commission’s priority is to create a digitized, accurate inventory of all government land to close information gaps. By bridging the current information divide, this initiative seeks to support proper planning, protect against encroachment, and encourage investment in projects, recognizing land as a vital national resource.

“So, planning for this land becomes very crucial at the moment that the NRM government has attracted a lot of investors, and every now and then, these investors would like to put their projects in various places around the country,” Kasenge observed. This further emphasizes the importance of reliable land records for national development.

With updated digital land records, the Commission expects to resolve disputes, reduce misallocation, and ensure efficient use of public land. These improvements are expected to build greater transparency and accountability in land administration.

Revenue Collection

Many occupants of government land are not paying ground rent largely due to limited awareness and the absence of formalized tenure, a situation that continues to affect national revenue, Kasenge revealed.

He explained that to address this gap, the Uganda Land Commission (ULC) is rolling out a new system that will regularly remind lessees of their ground rent obligations and notify them ahead of lease expiry dates, a move aimed at improving compliance.

Kasenge further noted that correcting erroneous freehold titles will allow affected lessees to regularize their tenure. This will also enable the government to collect due ground rent. He emphasizes that stronger land administration and improved revenue collection are critical to better service delivery and to ensuring government land benefits both the state and citizens.

Currently, ULC has a Financial Year revenue target of UGX 7 billion from ground rent and leases on government land. After the digitized, GIS-enabled (Geographic Information System) inventory is fully rolled out, the Commission expects collections to rise to about Shs12 billion in the first three years. Revenues are projected to gradually increase to as much as Shs40 billion in the long term.

Local governments and technical officers are playing a key role in supporting the nationwide exercise through boundary verification, data sharing and identification of government land. Their contributions include providing physical planning and land-use guidance, protecting environmentally sensitive areas, and engaging communities to raise awareness and build cooperation.

The Land Commission assures the public and current lessees that the inventory exercise is not intended to trigger evictions but is focused on documentation, compliance and improved land governance. Addressing public concerns remains central to the Commission’s approach, with an emphasis on fairness and openness throughout the process.

Uganda Land Commission has formally written to all ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs), requesting details of land under their custody and the nomination of focal persons to work with the Commission in developing a comprehensive inventory, a request that has received positive responses.

In addition, the Commission has engaged 16 town clerks from cities and municipalities. It has reviewed its own records and those of the National Land Information System (NLIS), a centralized digital platform for managing national land records, to verify government land details. The Commission has also partnered with the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development (MLHUD) to support the exercise through surveying, valuation, and titling. These collaborative efforts highlight the collective responsibility needed to address longstanding land challenges and a need to strengthen accountability, improve compliance, and enhance management of government land across the country.

As the digital registry project continues, ongoing collaboration among government agencies, local authorities, and the public will be crucial to its success. Sustained commitment and transparent communication will ensure that the benefits of improved land management are realized for all Ugandans.

Source: independent.co.ug

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Witness Radio and Seed Savers Network are partnering to produce radio content to save indigenous seeds in Africa.

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By Witness Radio team.

Across Africa, indigenous seeds are vital, climate-resilient, and culturally significant resources that smallholder farmers deeply value for biodiversity and food sovereignty.

Today, however, these traditional seed systems face threats from commercial seed interests, restrictive laws, and policies that may impact farmers’ rights. Addressing these concerns directly can help farmers understand how the program supports their legal and cultural rights.

In response to this growing challenge, Witness Radio Uganda, in partnership with the Seed Savers Network (SSN) in Kenya, is launching a radio broadcast titled “The Struggle to Save Cultural Seeds in Africa.”

Witness Radio and Seed Savers in Africa aim to use the radio as a tool to organize, mobilize, and empower smallholder farmers across Africa and beyond.

Food production and consumption patterns in Africa have changed significantly since the pre-colonial era. The gradual introduction of exotic crops, the establishment of settler farms on land seized from local communities, and the shift from agroecological practices to agrochemical-dependent and mechanized agriculture have disrupted indigenous food systems.

While agribusinesses continue to generate profits, research by civil society organizations shows that these models have contributed to soil degradation, biodiversity loss, widening inequalities through land grabbing, and increased vulnerability among smallholder farmers. These historical disruptions have laid the groundwork for modern policies that further marginalize farmer-managed seed systems.

The struggle to save indigenous seeds affirms farmers’ rights to control their seeds and farming knowledge, empowering smallholder farmers to protect their food security and cultural heritage.

In 2025, the East African Community (EAC) Seed and Plant Varieties Draft Bill threatened farmers’ rights by criminalizing traditional seed practices and favoring multinational companies. This situation should motivate policymakers and community leaders to stand for farmers’ rights and food sovereignty.

In response to this emergency, it is critical to close this gap by placing smallholder farmers, Africa’s largest food producers, at the center of seed and food systems. This radio program draws inspiration from the 2025 Seed Savers Boot Camp organized by the Seed Savers Network Kenya. Held in Gilgil, Nakuru County, from the last week of October to the first week of November last year, the boot camp brought together farmers and civil society leaders from across Africa for hands-on training and learning exchanges.

Participants explored seed conservation methods and shared knowledge, fostering a movement that builds community resilience and revives traditional farming systems.

Witness Radio participated in this gathering alongside farmers, reinforcing a shared commitment to strengthening community resilience and farmer-led food systems across Africa.

This broadcast launches a new series from Witness Radio and the Seed Savers Network to raise awareness of seed saving and food sovereignty, offering practical tips and resources for farmers to actively participate in safeguarding farmer-managed seeds.

The live program will feature voices from across the continent, including Atim Robert Anaab from Trax Ghana and The Beela Project, who works to strengthen indigenous seed systems in Ghana’s Upper East and North East Regions. Other guests include June Bartuin, Executive Director of Indigenous Peoples for Peace and Climate Justice in Kenya, and Priscilla Nakato, Chairperson of the Informal Alliance for Communities Affected by Irresponsible Land-Based Investments in Uganda.

Together, the speakers will reflect on what motivated them to join the Seed Savers Boot Camp, what they learned, the current state of seed sovereignty in their countries, and how they are applying this knowledge within their communities.

The goal is to show how insights from the Seed Savers Boot Camp translate into tangible actions, inspiring farmers and policymakers to protect indigenous seeds for food sovereignty and climate resilience.

The program will air live on Witness Radio tomorrow, Thursday at 3:00 pm EAT, accessible via the Witness Radio App or online via www.witnessradio.org or https://radio.witnessradio.org/. to maximize reach and participation.

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Evicted from their land to host Refugees: A case of Uganda’s Kyangwali refugee settlement expansion, which left host communities landless.

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By Witness Radio team.

As Uganda continues to host more refugees than almost any other country in Africa, displaced residents in Kikuube are still waiting for accountability, restitution, and the chance to live with dignity once again. This ongoing struggle should stir feelings of compassion and urgency in the audience.

More than 60,000 people occupying 9323.96 hectares (36 square miles) were displaced from villages, including Bukinda A and B, Bukinda II, Kavule, Bwizibwera A and B, Kyeya A and B, Nyaruhanga, Kabirizi, Nyamigisa A and B, Katoma, and others in Kasonga parish, Kyangwali sub-county.

The violent forced land evictions in Kyangwali date back more than a decade. Beginning in September 2013, masterminded by officials from the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), led by the Principal Resettlement Officer Charles Bafaki, backed by the Uganda Police Force and the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF). The OPM office claimed that the contested land had been gazetted for refugee settlement, a claim former refugee host communities refute, saying they are bona fide landowners.

According to evidence seen by the Witness Radio team, most of the evictees were born on the land from the 1950s to the date they were illegally evicted.

According to Uganda’s Land Act, a bona fide occupant is a person who, before the 1995 Constitution, had occupied land unchallenged for 12 years or more, or was settled by the government. Clarifying these legal standards can help the public and policymakers understand the legal basis of land claims and potential violations.

According to the UN Refugee Agency, by the end of 2024, Uganda was hosting approximately 1.8 million refugees and asylum-seekers – the largest refugee population in Africa – reflecting a 10% increase from the previous year. The majority were from South Sudan (57%) and DRC (31%), with smaller populations from Somalia, Burundi, Eritrea, Rwanda, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Women and children made up 80% of the refugee population.

In Butyamba village, along the Hoima-Kagadi Road in Kikuube District in Western Uganda, is an informal settlement of fragile, makeshift houses that stretches across a single acre of land. It hosts over 500 people, including evictees. It’s packed tightly together, their shelters built from tarpaulins, scrap wood, and other grass thatched.

The residents, who have camped in the area since 2023, were once landowners in Bukinda and Katikala. Now, they are landless and struggling after an illegal land eviction for the expansion of the Kyangwali refugee settlement, one of Uganda’s largest refugee-hosting areas.

For many here, life changed abruptly in 2013, followed by another series of forced land evictions in 2020, at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic.

“I became a refugee in my own country,” an elderly Kabulala Oliver struggles to hold back tears as she recalls the forced land eviction that shattered her life and the lives of other members of her family.

Kabulala is among the over 60,000 people evicted from 30 villages in Bukinda, Kyangwali Sub-county. We found her together with others at the informal camp.

“When we were evicted from our land, we camped at the Kikuube Resident District Commissioner (RDC)’s premises, but this was short-lived, and we were chased away. Later, we were given this small piece of land by an area member of parliament, Hon. Natumanya,” she says.

What pains her most, she says, is that she was displaced to make room for refugees, only to become displaced herself. 

“I am a Munyoro. I had lived on my land for decades. “Why should I be evicted because the government wants land for refugees? This is total impunity where the poor are not counted as humans.” Kabulala asks?

She now lives in a small makeshift shelter with a family of 13. With no land to cultivate, survival has become a daily struggle.

“My land was taken. We have nowhere to farm. We are starving every day. Children ask for food, and I don’t know where to get it. We drink dirty water,” she says. 

Kabulala belongs to the Bunyoro tribe, which is constitutionally recognised as one of Uganda’s 56 indigenous communities.

The affected communities say they were never notified about the eviction or given meaningful consultation. According to Ahumuza and other witnesses, armed security personnel arrived in trucks, firing bullets, beating residents, and demolishing homes.

“In August 2013, OPM officials came and told us we had three hours to leave the land, which people had lived on for decades. They treated us like rebels. They beat people and destroyed all properties worth billions of Shillings, which forced people to scatter in all directions. After three days, refugees were ferried in and settled in our gardens where food was still growing.”

Ahumuza Businge, chairperson of the Internally Displaced Youth in Bukinda and Katikala. recalls 

After the eviction, many families fled to Kyangwali sub-county headquarters, seeking refuge. Others later settled in an Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camp in Butyamba, near Kiziranfumbi town, an area with no permanent services, such as water, toilets, and other essentials.

“You can also see how people are suffering. When our loved ones die, we have nowhere to bury them. Children don’t go to school. People die every day because there is no food, there is no water, and our temporary toilets are almost full,” Mbambali Fred, a former resident of Bukinda, whose land was also taken despite having a lease title, told Witness Radio. 

Mbambali says his land was grabbed at gunpoint and misused. “I had a land title, but my land was forcefully taken and used to settle people who are not even refugees. Part of it is hired out for maize farming while I, the land owner, suffer.” He added.

In 2020, during the COVID-19 lockdown, the same government security forces forcefully evicted another group of more than 20,000 people from 1812.99 hectares (7 square miles) of land. Victims revealed that security forces sealed off their area under the pretext of a disease outbreak. Journalists and political leaders were barred, and evictions resumed quietly.

According to the ministry responsible for lands, housing, and urban development’s then guidelines, during COVID-19, no land evictions were to take place. On April 16th, 2020, the government of Uganda, through the Ministry of Lands, ordered a halt to all land evictions during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. The same ministry directed all local governments and security agencies to enforce the order, but the OPM disregarded it. 

Today, many of the evictees live in IDPs who are framed as encroachers on their land, landless, impoverished, and dependent on casual labor. Unable to farm, families struggle to feed themselves, educate their children, or rebuild their lives.

Thirteen years after the first eviction, the affected communities say they have reached out to all concerned offices, including the president’s office, for justice, but in vain.

“The land was our life. Without it, we are nothing.” Mbambali reacts

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